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Momentum. Membership: Labour and Supporters, *not* Members of Other Political Parties.

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This from the latest mailing to Momentum supporters:

Yesterday, Momentum’s National Committee met for the first time. The 52 person, gender balanced Committee is made up of delegates from Wales, Scotland, all nine English regions, equalities or liberation groups, trade unions and existing Labour movement organisations.

The Committee debated and decided on six national campaign objectives for the next three months.

  1. Campaigning for Labour in May’s elections (English local and mayoral, Welsh Assembly, and Scottish Parliament).
  2. Building for the People’s Assembly march for Health, Homes, Jobs, and Education on 16 April and developing with local groups specific campaigns and activities under these banners.
  3. Assisting Labour members to have their voice heard on Labour’s National Executive Committee.
  4. Helping mainstream, grassroots Labour members be represented at the next Party Conference in September.
  5. Supporting the Campaign For Nuclear Disarmament demonstration against Trident renewal on 27 February.
  6. Mobilising for Westminster by-elections to repeat the success of the Oldham West and Royton by-election of last year.

 

The Committee decided that Momentum should become a membership organisation.

Members of other political parties will not be eligible for membership of Momentum.

Membership will be open to Labour members, affiliated supporters, and supporters of the aims and values of the Labour Party, who are not members of other political parties (except the Co-Operative Party, which has an electoral agreement with Labour). We’ll email you with more details very soon.

About Momentum.

As the successor to the campaign to elect Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party, Momentum is a Labour Party focused organization and its structure must reflect that. Momentum seeks to strengthen the Labour Party by increasing participation and engagement at local, regional and national levels. Furthermore, Momentum is committed to supporting the Labour Party winning elections and entering government. It seeks to use its base in the Labour Party and Labour movement to reach out to the 99% of people who are not currently in any political party, spread Labour values and increase Labour Party membership.

WHAT DOES MOMENTUM WANT TO DO?

● Organise in every town, city and village to secure the election of a progressive left Labour Party at every level, and to create a mass movement for real transformative change

More details via link above.

Where does the key decision, “.Members of other political parties will not be eligible for membership of Momentum” leave this Socialist Party initiated organisation?

Trade Union Momentum

John McInally Public and Commercial Services Union Vice-President (personal capacity).

The idea for Trade Union Momentum sprang from the need to build a trade union based anti-austerity movement from outside as well as inside the Labour Party and autonomous from it, based on a clear no cuts, no privatisation anti-austerity programme, campaigning on concrete issues like cuts, the pay freeze, privatisation and the anti-union laws.

This would be by building in workplaces and communities around the country with affiliations from trade unions, trades councils and individual union members.

Providing a platform for socialists and anti-austerity activists, inclusive of the Socialist Party, the National Shop Stewards Network and others not members of the Labour Party, in a widely based alliance, could be an important, even critical factor in defending the Corbyn/McDonnell leadership and building the anti-austerity movement.

The Socialist 9th of January 2016.

The Socialist Party, along with the Socialist Workers Party, and others, were involved the Trade Union and Socialist Coalition whichs tood candidates in competition with Labour in the last election.

2015 general election

TUSC stood 135 prospective parliamentary candidates across England, Wales and Scotland,[5] as well as 619 council candidates in local elections.

The organisation announced in October 2014 that it had received a guarantee of funding from Socialist Alliance.  The funds would provide for one hundred deposits in parliamentary contests, as well as a Party Political Broadcast.

The party performed badly at the election, winning 36,327 votes, or 0.1% of the popular vote. No parliamentary seats were gained and no deposits were saved.

Wikipedia.

This their strategy for the 2016 local elections:

TUSC steering committee agrees 2016 council candidates selection timetable

The TUSC national steering committee met this week and agreed a timetable and procedures to approve candidates for the English local council elections taking place on Thursday May 5th. It also agreed a Guide for TUSC Candidates and Agents, available as a downloadable PDF at http://www.tusc.org.uk/txt/359.pdf

The steering committee recognises that the election of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader on an anti-austerity platform has changed the political situation compared to the first five years of TUSC’s existence and that this effects how our coalition will approach the May polls.

Although the big majority of Labour councillors did not support Jeremy for leader, TUSC’s local election platform, Build on Jeremy Corbyn’s Anti-Austerity Call – A Councillors’ Revolt Could Stop the Tory cuts! (see http://tusc.org.uk/policy.php) is clear that “TUSC will work with any Labour councillor who backs the call to refuse to implement the cuts”. There will not be TUSC candidates standing against councillors who vote against cuts in the council chamber.

Clearly ‘Trade Union Momentum’ is not the same as Momentum. 

This should be made clear.

TUSC intends sending out ultimatums to Labour candidates. No doubt on the strength of their 2015 0.1% General Election vote.

That is their right.

But this is not the kind of activity that a group which wishes to change, through democratic persuasion, through Labour structures, the party’s policies and culture, should tolerate.

Written by Andrew Coates

February 8, 2016 at 11:49 am

Galloway: Labour Ought to Beg Me to Return.

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Site of Galloway’s Christmas Dinner Fundraiser.

After his successful London Mayor campaign launch  George Galloway is looking to the political future.

George Galloway interview: Labour should be begging me to return.

Reports Politics Co.UK.

Newshound Robert McGregor trackled the retiring figure down.

Here are some of the highlights.

“Galloway commented earlier this year about the possibility of re-joining the Labour Party if Corbyn won. Has it been discussed?”

Jeremy has been my friend and comrade for over 30 years,” he replies. “In fact most videos of my speeches have him sitting next to me. I know the media keep asking him about this subject and I know why he has difficulties answering it – he has enough problems with remaining Blairites without opening a new front over me. Although some Blairites like John McTernan and Jim Murphy I’m sure would encourage Corbyn to go for it. On the other side, Ken Livingstone recently went on the record in support of my re-admission to the Labour party. But my position remains the same; the Labour party should rescind my unjust war-time expulsion, opposed at the time by Mr Foot, Mr Benn and of course Jeremy Corbyn”

In this context the Great Man talks of a possible opening to Scottish Labour.

The interviewer one  Robert McGregor comments, “It would be foolish for Scottish Labour not to at least consider a Galloway comeback.

Galloway concedes that he couldn’t return to Scottish Labour and fight London Labour for the mayoralty at the same time. “But time is short to do anything about that. My London campaign is moving up the gears….”

The campaign promises to be a tough one, with Galloway already scoring a significant 0,1% in opinion polls.

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Two Horse Race.

Written by Andrew Coates

January 13, 2016 at 4:37 pm

Birmingham Trojan Horse Inquiry: Headteacher Jahangir Akbar receives life ban for inflicting religious intolerance on pupils.

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Shame of devout Islamic Headmaster who tried to enforce his religion on state school.

Trojan horse headteacher receives lifetime ban for professional misconduct.

Reports the Guardian.

Jahangir Akbar, formerly of Oldknow academy in Birmingham, removed sex education from curriculum and banned celebration of Christmas and Diwali.

A headteacher who was accused of misconduct in the so-called Trojan horse scandal in Birmingham has been banned indefinitely from teaching after being found guilty of professional misconduct.

Jahangir Akbar, who was the acting headteacher of Oldknow academy in Small Heath, Birmingham, was found by a disciplinary hearing to have “failed to uphold public trust in the profession and maintain high standards of ethics and behaviours”. Investigators said he allowed an undue amount of religious influence on the education of pupils at his school.

The Birmingham Post reports however this,

The former headteacher of a Trojan Horse-linked school in Birmingham has been handed an “indefinite” teaching ban – but could be back in the classroom in five years time.

Jahangir Akbar , the former acting principal of Oldknow Academy in Small Heath, was last month found guilty of professional misconduct following a hearing by the government-run National College for Teaching & Leadership (NCTL).

Now the Department for Education has revealed the 38-year-old has become the first teacher in Britain to be sanctioned for allowing an “undue amount of religious influence” on pupils’ education.

One has little doubt that the kind of person in the NUT who backed this creature will come up with an explanation….

Written by Andrew Coates

January 5, 2016 at 4:28 pm

George Galloway, Posadist, “Every terrorist will be shot down dead, and if I can, I will pull the trigger myself from my Sputnik.”

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Watch out World: Galloway is in Orbit!

George Galloway has been a busy bee.

Here is Galloway this morning:

Here was Galloway yesterday:

Here was also Galloway yesterday.

This yet again was Galloway yesterday:

He even claims that Russia is the forefront of the fight against the Daesh genociders.

Forgetting perhaps that it was welcome US air-support that saved the Kurds from in Kobane from mass murder.

Here was him last week.

The police will find a friend in me,” he added.

Every terrorist will be shot down dead, and if I can, I will pull the trigger myself.

“I say to the police officer in the room, when it comes to your wages, your resources and your strengthening, you can count on me.”

Speculation is rife that Galloway plans to follow Vladimir Putin and wrestle a terrorist, bare-handed, to the ground.

He is there, up in space, with a new Communist civilisation, orbiting the earth, just waiting……

Here is an earlier incarnation of Sputnik.

 

Written by Andrew Coates

November 29, 2015 at 12:53 pm

Portuguese Socialists, Left Bloc and Communists Look Set to Govern.

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Rejeitar o Governo PSD/CDS para mudar de política: Reject the PSD/CDS Government to Change Politics. say Portuguese Communists.

The BBC reports.

Socialists ready to head left-wing coalition in Portugal

Three left-of-centre parties in Portugal say they have reached a deal to form a government after last month’s inconclusive general election.

It means the centre-right coalition of Prime Minister Pedro Passos Coelho now looks set to fail in its attempt to stay in office.

Socialist Party leader Antonio Costa fought the election promising to ease back on austerity.

He has the support of two smaller far-left parties, including the Communists.

Mr Passos Coelho’s centre-right party polled just under 37% in October’s election, with the Socialists on over 32%.

He was sworn in for a second term, but earlier this week he said his coalition appeared to have lost its absolute majority in parliament.

With 99 seats in the 230-seat parliament, the ruling coalition fell 17 seats short of the number it needed.

Mr Passos Coelho had indicated that he was ready to talk to other parties in parliament to pursue the “necessary reforms” he wants to implement.

But the Socialists, the Communists and the Left Bloc between them have 122 seats, enough for a parliamentary majority.

Left Bloc won 10% of the vote, securing 19 seats, while the Communists took 8% of the vote.

“The conditions are in place to bring down the right-wing coalition government and for the Socialist Party to form a government,” said the Portuguese Communist Party in a statement late on Friday.

Many in Portugal, including President Aníbal Cavaco Silva, are concerned about the impact on the country’s finances and international standing if the far-left gains influence in government, the BBC Alison Roberts in Lisbon reports.

But the president could soon have little choice but to ask the Socialist leader to take over.

A vote on the centre-right administration’s programme is due on Tuesday, and if it loses, the government will fall.

“If I am not prime minister as of Tuesday it will be because the Socialists did not let me continue,” said Mr Passos Coelho.

This follows the same story in El País yesterday.

Los partidos de izquierdas sellan un pacto de gobierno en Portugal

The Communist Party of Portugal announced late on Friday that it had reached a deal with the Socialists to form a government of the left. An agreement ending 40 years of differences.

The announcement of the PC plus by the Bloco de Esquerdas yesterday, is that the socialist party led by António Costa is willing to offer an alternative government overrides attempts by the country’s president, Anibal Cavaco Silva, to usher in, the current government, which took office seven days ago.

The left alliance totals 122 votes to 107 on the right coalition.

The change over will take place in a Parliamentary vote to reject the new right-wing government on Tuesday.

The Communists and their allies in the union federation, the CGTP, plan a mass demonstration on that day outside the National Assembly.

El País remarks that this recalls a large protest outside the same building 40 years ago, which forced the MPs to abandon the edifice where a new constitution was being drafted.

The present Portuguese Prime Minister Pedro Passos Coelho has not lost hope of clinging onto office. 

Background: Portugal: ‘Europe is very concerned’ as new gov’t likely short-lived By Dick Nichols

“The incoming government of Portugal will most probably prove to be the briefest in modern Portuguese history.”

Portuguese elections: surge in Left Bloc support puts Socialist Party on the spot.

By Dick Nichols  Will Portugal finally see the end of austerity as administered for four years by the right-wing coalition of the Social-Democratic Party (PSD) and Democratic and Social Centre—People’s Party (CDS-PP)?

 

Written by Andrew Coates

November 7, 2015 at 12:44 pm

Posted in Uncategorized

A State Jew? Léon Blum – David A. Bell on Léon Blum: Prime Minister, Socialist, Zionist by Pierre Birnbaum.

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Blum: a Generous Humanist Socialist, not a “State Jew”.

A State Jew. David A. Bell. Review of Léon Blum: Prime Minister, Socialist, Zionist by Pierre Birnbaum, translated by Arthur Goldhammer.

London Review of Books.

Thanks Jim D.

Bell begins  his review with this, which should give some pause for reflection,

The newspaper Action française habitually referred to Léon Blum, France’s Socialist leader, as the ‘warlike Hebrew’ and the ‘circumcised Narbonnais’ (he represented a constituency in Narbonne). On 13 February 1936, Blum was being driven away from the National Assembly when he encountered a group of ultra-right-wing militants who had gathered at the intersection of the rue de l’Université and the boulevard Saint-Germain for the funeral procession of Jacques Bainville, one of the founders of Action française, a reactionary political movement as well as a newspaper. Glimpsing Blum through the car windows, the militants began shouting: ‘Kill Blum!’, ‘Shoot Blum!’ They forced his car to stop and began rocking it back and forth. Blum’s friend Germaine Monnet, sitting with him in the back, tried to shield him with her body. Her husband, Georges, who had been driving, ran to look for police. But one of the militants managed to tear a fender off the car, used it to smash the rear window, and then beat Blum repeatedly over the head. Only the arrival of two policemen saved his life. They dragged him to a nearby building, where the concierge gave him first aid. The next day pictures of Blum, his head heavily bandaged, appeared in newspapers around the world.

We halt there.

To internationalist socialists Blum is above all known not for his Jewish identity – despite the book – but for his socialist humanist republicanism.

Blum defended French democratic republicanism, from the Dreyfus affair onwards. He was profoundly affected by the “synthesis” of socialism, including the Marxist view of class struggle, with democratic republicanism, that marked the life and work of one of our greatest martyrs, Jean Jaurès, assassinated in 1914 by a sympathiser of the far-right,  for his opposition to the outbreak of the Great War. Blum did not, however, play a part in the anti-War left.

That is the context in which we would take the shouts of “kill Blum”.  Political, not ethnic.

Blum was a leading figure amongst the minority of the French Socialists, the SFIO (Section Française de l’Internationale Ouvrière), who opposed what became in the 1920s the French Communist Party, the PCF. He was one of those who opposed affiliating the party to the Third International at the Congrès de Tours (SFIO).

Speech at the Socialist Party Congress at Tours, 27 December 1920 (best known under its French title, background Pour La Veille Maison, Text).

This is the crucial objection from the ‘reformist’ (but at this point, still Marxist) democratic socialists to the Third International – the Leninist one.

You are right to declare that the whole party press, central or local, should be in the hands of pure communists and pure communist doctrine. You are certainly right to submit the works published by the Party to a kind of censorship. All that is logical. You want an entirely homogeneous party, a party in which there is no longer free thought, no longer different tendencies: you are therefore right to act as you have done. This results – I am going to prove it to you – from your revolutionary conception itself. But you will understand that envisioning that situation, considering it, making the comparison of what will be tomorrow with what was yesterday, we all had the same reaction of fright, of recoil, and that we said: is that the Party that we have known? No! The party that we knew was the appeal to all workers, while the one they want to found is the creation of little disciplined vanguards, homogeneous, subjected to a strict structure of command – their numbers scarcely matter, you will find that in the theses – but all kept under control, and ready for prompt and decisive action. Well, in that respect as in the others, we remain of the Party as it was yesterday, and we do not accept the new party that they want to make.

To show how radical Blum was at this point, this is how he defended the dictatorship of the proletariat,

Dictatorship exercised by the Party, yes, but by a Party organized like ours, and not like yours. Dictatorship exercised by a Party based on the popular will and popular liberty, on the will of the masses, in sum, an impersonal dictatorship of the proletariat. But not a dictatorship exercised by a centralized party, where all authority rises from one level to the next and ends up by being concentrated in the hands of a secret Committee. … Just as the dictatorship should be impersonal, it should be, we hold, temporary, provisional. … But if, on the contrary, one sees the conquest of power as a goal, if one imagines (in opposition to the whole Marxist conception of history) that it is the only method for preparing that transformation, that neither capitalist evolution nor our own work of propaganda could have any effect, if as a result too wide a gap and an almost infinite period of time must be inserted between taking power as the precondition, and revolutionary transformation as the goal, then we cease to be in agreement.

Bear this in mind: these words are memorised almost by heart by many on the left.

The minority, for which Blum spoke, opposed to the Third International, retained the name, French Section of the Workers’ International. This was significant: it referred to a claim to continue the traditions of the Second International, of Marxist, if moderate and reformist,  inspiration.

Blum offered social reform on this foundation. He led, during the Front Populaire (1936 -38)  a government (as President du conseil) of socialists and radical-socialists, backed by communists from the ‘outside’ and a vast movement of factory occupations and protests,  to implement some of them, on paid holidays, bargaining rights limiting the working week. He had great limitations – one that cannot be ignored is that his government did not give women the right to vote – and his role in not effectively helping the Spanish Republic remains a matter of controversy to this day. Indeed the absence of feminism – as well as a rigorous anti-colonialism (the FP “dissolved” the North African, l’Étoile nord-africaine of Messali Hadj –  in the Front Populaire, is something which should cause a great deal of critical investigation.

The review in the LLB is about a book, and this is what he has to say specifically about it:

Birnbaum, a well-known historian and sociologist of French Jewry, has written a short biography that focuses on Blum’s identity as a Jew, as the series requires. It cannot substitute for the more substantial studies by Joel Colton, Ilan Greilsammer and Serge Berstein, but it’s lively, witty and draws effectively on Blum’s massive and eloquent correspondence. Arthur Goldhammer has, as usual, produced a lucid, engaging English text. Birnbaum seems to have written the book in some haste: he repeats facts and quotations, and makes a few historical slips – France was not a ‘largely peasant nation’ in 1936; Hitler did not annex the Sudetenland in the summer of 1938, before the Munich Agreement. The chapters proceed thematically, highlighting Blum the writer, Blum the socialist, Blum the lawyer, Blum the Zionist and so forth, which produces occasional confusion as Birnbaum leaps backwards and forwards in time. But overall, the book offers a knowledgeable and attractive portrait. If there is a serious criticism to be levelled at it, it doesn’t concern the portrait itself, so much as the way Birnbaum draws on it to make a broader argument about French Jewish identity.

But there are issues of much wider importance in that broader argument which do not depend on discussing that text and its content.

Bell makes two points about his legacy as described in Birnbaum’s book,

As Birnbaum himself repeatedly notes, despite his ‘quintessential’ Frenchness, Blum always expressed pride in his Jewish heritage, often in the highly racialised language of the day. ‘My Semite blood,’ he wrote as a young man, ‘has been preserved in its pure state. Honour me by acknowledging that it flows unmixed in my veins and that I am the untainted descendant of an unpolluted race.’ While he could speak disparagingly of Jewish ritual, he recognised and respected a Jewish ethical tradition. In 1899, in the midst of the Dreyfus Affair, he insisted that ‘the Jew’s religion is justice. His Messiah is nothing other than a symbol of Eternal Justice.’ He went on to identify ‘the spirit of socialism’ with ‘the ancient spirit of the race’ and to comment: ‘It was not a lapse on the part of Providence that Marx and Lassalle were Jews.’ Blum, in short, thought the Jews could change the French Republic for the better by drawing on their own traditions to push it towards socialism.

This attempt to bring up Blum’s references to his Jewish background, even in terms more democratic than Disraeli’s novels, voiced above all by the character Sidonia, owes more to pre-1930s racial romanticism to racialism.

Does this prove Bell’s point that, “The republican model allows strikingly little space for what immigrant communities can contribute to a nation. Visitors to France can see at a glance just how much immigrants have brought to its music, literature, sport and even cuisine. But the republican model treats difference primarily as a threat to be exorcised in the name of an unbending, anachronistic ideal of civic equality. Even in the heyday of the Third Republic, many committed republicans recognised that different ethnic and religious groups could strengthen the republic.”

Yes it does: secularism is freedom for difference, not the imposition of homogeneity.

Blum could be rightly proud of his cultural heritage,as indeed in a ‘globalised’ world of migration many other people from different backgrounds should be, and are, within the democratic framework of secular equality.

There is little doubt that the spirit of nit-picking secularism can be as unable to deal with these backgrounds, as say, state multiculturalism, which treats ‘diversity’ as if this were a value in itself. If the first tends to be hyper-sensitive to, say, reactionary  Islamic dress codes, the second abandons the issue entirely.

But there are far deeper problems than superficial insistence on  Laïcité

The first is ‘Sovereigntist’ efforts to claim secularist universalism for French particularism. This is the rule amongst the supporters of the far-right Front National, historians and writers like Éric Zemmour bemoaning France’s ‘decline’ , though we should underline, not the novelist Houellebecq, who expresses disdain for things, not hate). There are those who call for all Muslims to be expelled from Europe, those  to those milder nationalists of right and left who commemorate “le pays et les morts” (and not anybody else – a return to the culturalist (not to say, racial)  themes of Action française to Maurice Barrès and to Charles Maurras. This is indeed “communalism”.

It is the major threat to French republicanism.

There is also the issue of anti-Semitism in France, woven into another kind of ‘communitarianism’. Alain Soral, his close friend the comedian Dieudonné, popular amongst young people from the banlieue and the more refined inheritors of the Marrausian tradition, the partisans of the  Indigènes de la République, (including those associated in the English speaking world) rant at thephilosémitisme d’Etat” in France.

It takes all the effort of refined ‘discursive analysis’ from academics to ignore that at its heart this is a current  which indulges in Jew baiting. The mind-set of these people was classically described by Sartre, “« Si le juif n’existait pas, l’antisémite l’inventerait.» (Réflexions sur la question juive 1946). They indeed spent an enormous amount of time ‘inventing’ the presence of Jews in politics, and giving them influence ‘behind the scenes’.

In words which might have been designed to pander to the world-view of the  Indigènes, Bell cites Léon Blum: Prime Minister, Socialist, Zionist,

Blum ‘the first of a new type of state Jew interested in giving greater weight to democratic sentiment within the framework of a socialist project.’ One wonders, though, what Birnbaum might say about a French Muslim politician today justifying an ideological position by reference to Muslim tradition and ethics (or sharia law). Would he have quite so favourable an  opinion? Or might he see the move as a ‘communitarian’ threat to ‘the unifying logic of the nation’ and to ‘French exceptionalism’? It is well past time to recognise that a nation can have many different unifying logics, and that a political model forged under the Third Republic fits the France of the Fifth Republic very badly.

Blum celebrated his Jewish heritage. It is hardly a secret. Nor is his post-war Zionism, or support for Israel, a stand shared in the immediate aftermath of the conflict by the USSR.

But did he become a  man of the  ‘state’ because he was a ‘Jew’, and does this aspect of his person matter politically – that is in terms of the state?

For us Léon Blum is only one of the sources of a generous humanist secularism, but a significant one. That he did not tackle issues like feminism, anti-colonialism, and a host of other issues, goes without saying. But it would be a great shame if his legacy was reduced to being a “State Jew”.

And it could equally be said that republican secularism has many strands, that it is being transformed by the views of secularists from North Africa, the threat of the Islamist genociders of Deash, the mounting oppression in Erdogan’s Turkey, backed by his Islamist AKP, and – no doubt – Israel’s evident failings. Every one of these cases shows that religious law is not any part of a “tradition” that socialists – believers in equality – would recognise.

The logic at work here binds us to our French sisters and brothers, binds internationalists across the globe, in the way that the Je Suis Charlie moment briefly melded our hearts and minds together.

That is perhaps the real ‘end’ of all exceptionalisms.

As ‘Coup’ Against Jeremy Corbyn Threatens the Hard Left Moblises its Troops.

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Weekly Worker Editorial Board Deciding Corbyn’s Strategy.

Senior Labour MPs are plotting to oust Jeremy Corbyn if he is elected party leader, amid growing fears that the leadership contest has been hijacked by far-Left infiltrators.

Shadow cabinet sources have told The Telegraph that Mr Corbyn would never be allowed to remain in the job long enough to fight the 2020 general election, if he is elected on September 12.

A coup could be launched within days of the result, which would plunge the party into even deeper crisis and division, but would be necessary to prevent an electoral “disaster” under Mr Corbyn’s leadership, senior figures said.

However, a growing number of Labour MPs believe Mr Corbyn’s campaign is being boosted by tens of thousands of radical Left-wing socialists who have paid £3 to sign up as an “affiliated supporter” in order to vote in the election.

There are reports that Unite, the country’s biggest trade union, which is backing Mr Corbyn, has been telephoning 1,000 people a day urging them to register with Labour and back their preferred candidate.

One shadow cabinet minister told The Telegraph a coup would be inevitable if Mr Corbyn is successful.

Reports the Telegraph.

On the 6th of May Seamus Milne announced:

The Tories are plotting a coup in the name of legitimacy.

Fleet-footed the People’s Assembly acted (7th of May):

Stop the ‘Tory Coup’.

Ipswich followed the lead.

Cde Milne swiftly replied:

We beat off that coup!

Our troops, after recruiting thousands of new Labour Party supporters,  are ready again!

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Ipswich Workers’ Militia in Training.