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Pro-Brexit ‘left’: Paul Embery, Trade Unionists Against the EU, Backs Polish National Populist Law and Justice Party.

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Paul Embery, Trade Unionists Against the EU.

Embery is not only a FBU member, the leader of the above campaign, he is a” Member of the Labour Party since 1994, and active within the Blue Labour tendency.”

Why Poland’s Law and Justice Party appeals


Commonly – though somewhat lazily – characterised as ‘Right-wing’, PiS, after coming to office in 2015, set about redressing economic inequality. It boosted the minimum wage, lowered the retirement age and increased the state pension. It also made heavy investment in a variety of social and welfare programmes, helping to free thousands from poverty. That Poland currently enjoys an economic growth rate superior to many of its European neighbours should command attention.

PiS also promotes the type of cultural traditionalism – with much emphasis on family values – that is in keeping with the country’s Catholic heritage and appeals to much of small-town and rural Poland. It is certainly far from perfect: its opponents have accused it of authoritarianism, and it is seen as hostile to the LGBT community.

But its wide support and retention of power should be seen as instructive.

Some of us have been arguing for a long time that a similar sweet spot exists in British politics, where an enthusiasm for economic radicalism fuses with a desire for cultural security. 

Millions of voters here would see themselves as falling into this category, but feel unrepresented by any of the mainstream parties. It was the anger and alienation of these millions that gave us the Brexit vote, and has been instrumental in the ongoing polarisation of our politics and breaking down of normal tribal loyalties.

These voters, often (though not exclusively) residing in the poorer parts of the UK – such as the post-industrial towns across the north and Midlands – would find great appeal in a party that was, on the one hand, committed to delivering an economy built around redistribution, intervention and investment, while, on the other, placing a high value on place, family and nation. The politics of economic fairness mixed with the politics of belonging.

The Polish Law and Justice Partym  Prawo i Sprawiedliwoś (PiS) is called right wing and far right.

This is one of the reasons:

Critics accused the PiS of fomenting homophobia during the election campaign, with party officials calling lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights an invasive foreign influence that threatens Poland’s national identity.

“They are trying to impose a narrative that we are in a culture and civilisation war,” Scheuring-Wielgus said, adding the bill is aimed at intimidating and silencing educators and activists.

Al Jazeera.

This is another,

The re-election of the conservative-nationalist group, founded and led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, has heightened fears among the journalists and academics that freedom of the press will be further restricted in the party’s pursuit of a proposed “new media order”. 

PiS announced in its 232-page election manifesto that it wanted to regulate the status of journalists, promising a “new media order”.

And another,

Poland’s democracy is not a priority for many of its voters

Derek Scally Irish Times.

A week ago, the “wrong kind of Pole” won the Nobel Prize in Literature. This is the friend-foe language of Poland’s Law and Justice (Pis) party, winner of a second term in Sunday’s general election.

For her admirers, Olga Tokarczuk is a writer who brings dignity – and, now, international attention – to the lives of ordinary Poles. In PiS doctrine, Poland’s sixth Nobel literature laureate is a targowiczanin, a traitor, that the country would be better without. Why? Because in her writing and activism she questions the populist ruling party’s claim to be supreme arbiter of the Polish soul.

Because she, and other “traitors” like her, challenge the PiS campaign for absolute control of public institutions and debate. Because they warn against reshaping the Polish history as a patriotic pick and mix that ignores, obfuscates or contests everything that does not serve a Polish victim narrative – from Nazi collaboration to Polish anti-Jewish pogroms. (In the muddied waters of PiS Poland, a critic cannot be a patriot.)

Days before Tokarczuk was awarded the highest prize in the literary world, the PiS culture minister said he had never finished any of her books because they were too difficult. That was a mild criticism by PiS standards of the writer who, in the election campaign, warned of the social cost of a united church-state alliance against the LGBT community.

Embery’s right wing cultural politics and caring for our own folk economics has got the backing of the former Henry Jackson Society chief, Marko Attila Hoare.

Embery campaigned for Leave during the 2016 referendum.

His group, Trade Unionists Against the EU appeared on platforms organised by the Socialist Party front, TUSC.

In Ipswich a speaker ranted and raved about their internationalism. As evidence he bellowed about a Paris Meeting – which turned out to have been run by the dodgy French nationalist Trotskyists of the  Parti ouvrier indépendant démocratique (POID). They published this: International anti-EU rally report.

POID published a real account, emphasising the role of their own party in holding the rally and the speech of their chauvinist  General Secretary (at the time) Gérard Schivardi  ( 123 540 votes, 0,34 % in the 2007 French Presidential elections): Le grand meeting de la Porte Charenton du 26 septembre (La Tribune des travailleurs).


Embery spoke at this event in Cardiff:

Paul Embery speaks at the TUSC meeting in Cardiff photo Ross Saunders

“We built a united front of speakers from genuine workers’ organisations, willing to come together to fight the EU ‘Employers’ Union’. This included Owen Herbert, regional secretary of transport union RMT; London regional secretary of firefighters’ union FBU, Paul Embery, from Trade Unionists Against the EU; and Hannah Sell, deputy general secretary of the Socialist Party.” TUSC anti-EU tour touches down in Wales

Trade Unionists Against the EU received money from Arron Banks.

Donations were also made, between March and June 2016, to WAG TV Limited (who made an anti-EU film), Ukip (led at the time by Farage), Veterans for Britain… and Trade Unionists Against the EU (TUAEU). Hang on a minute! Trade Unionists Against the EU! Isn’t that a supposedly “left wing” organisation, regularly promoted in the pages of the Morning Star? And it received funding from Arron Banks? Yes, dear reader, I have to tell you that it did: £54,000 according to the Electoral Commission.

Jim Denham

More on this: Lexit and Brexit collaboration-what did the Morning Star know? John Rogan

There was this (April 2019)

Union official told to ‘cease’ social media after ‘rootless cosmopolitans’ tweet

Paul Embery refused to apologise despite criticism over an ‘antisemitic’ comment about Brexit referring to ‘rootless cosmopolitans’

Embery’s antics meant he got into a spot of bother with this FBU.

He received the support of the Red-Brown National Populist site Spiked,

The scandal of Paul Embery’s sacking

He was dumped by the Fire Brigades Union for speaking at a pro-Brexit rally.

Now Embery is onto higher things….

The politics of national populism, a new leash of life for “solidarisme”,  in the sense of solidarity between people from the same society, the  ‘somewhere’ people, social Catholicism, nationalist economics, intolerant towards cultural diversity and critics of good order, is now on Blue Labour’s agenda.

Perhaps they will invite somebody from these traditions to speak at a future Full Brexit event er, possibly somebody like Marine Le Pen, who also combines a conservative social agenda, hostility to  globalisation (‘Globalism’), support for social protection, and a staunch defence of the Somewhere people.

ewhere people.His new best friend elaborates on the future strategy.


As Pro-Brexit National Labour Stirs, “Rooted cosmopolitans” answer back.

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Image result for Progressive Politics in a Changing World: Challenging the Fallacies of Blue Labour Jon Bloomfield

This nationalism plays into the hands of the hard right.

The latest scoop by Skwawkbox is news on the creation of a factionalising group, known informally as the ‘Four Yorkshiremen’ to campaign for a Labour deal with Boris Johnson on Brexit. At present they are fighting the party’s Shadow Chancellor.


The party’s northern MPs are now in discussions to build on their successful rearguard action by caucusing as a parliamentary bloc. One, speaking of an attempted ‘remainer take-over’ to force Labour to into a full ‘stop Brexit’ mode, said:

We need to make sure no one region of Labour can ever acquire this much dominance over policy and the narrative again. The north fought back and this episode has taught us that when we stand united we can make our voice heard.

The Red-Brown Front, the Full Brexit, has its own take on the developing national Labour  strategy.

They retweeted George Galloway,


And national populist New Left Review Stalwart,


And their allies in the Morning Star,

Anti-rootless cosmopolitan campaigner Paul Embery, has his own take on the need for National Labour.

The rooted, yet tasty geezer, continues,

The Red-Brown Front, the Full Brexit brings together the Communist Party of Britain, ‘funny money’ ‘leftists’ associated with Counterfire, like Thomas Fazi, Eddie Dempsey,  supporters of the Brexit Party linked to the Spiked network (including at least one candidate), ‘Marxist’ Wolfgang Streeck, Labour Leave, Larry O’Nutter (better known under his pen name of Larry O’Hara), and Paul Embery’s Blue Labour. To name but some.

How does these ideologues hang together?

This  Blog cannot recommend too highly this article which gives some answers.

Progressive Politics in a Changing World: Challenging the Fallacies of Blue Labour Jon Bloomfield : 11 October 2019

Bloomfield traces the national populist turn back to the Blair and Brown years.

As popular doubts about the UK’s headlong embrace of neoliberal globalisation grew, elements of left opinion shaped their critiques within this nationalist framework. As the Blair–Brown era drew to a close, instead of a focus on the fundamentals of neoliberalism, critics of the New Labour project concentrated on their own variant of cultural wars.

Within Labour’s ranks a newly ennobled Maurice Glasman gave these ideas prominence after Ed Miliband’s leadership win in 2010. The Blue Labour movement he pioneered asserted that traditional working class communities had been ignored by New Labour’s trendy cosmopolitanism, which had paid too much attention to feminism, multi‐culturalism and sexual politics, and had ridden roughshod over the assumed conservative cultural sensitivities of the traditional working class. One of the leading protagonists, Jonathan Rutherford, used his role as editor of the Soundings magazine to promote these ideas and declare that ‘the future of English socialism is conservative’.5

Whatever its initial concerns, this new way of framing politics quickly gave primacy to cultural and national identity rather than the economic or social. The initial flurry of interest within Labour waned, as did its brief ‘Red Tory’ counterpart, Phillip Blond.

Soundings, in effect, was the vehicle by which, for some people, Gramsci’s ideas on the ‘national popular’ could become transformed into nationalism tout court. The references sometimes made by Glasman to the Italian Marxist have to be seen in this light.

Bloomfield then looks at sovereigtism – one would have wished for some wider Euripean context where sovereignty has been the turning point from left to nationalism in France since the 1990s, summed up in the career of JeanPierre Chevènement. Paraellels exist across Europe, as can be seen in the development of the German former leftist Streek.

The Brexit debate, with its focus on national sovereignty, has given the label new vigour and a purchase stretching well beyond Labour’s ranks. David Goodhart, when editor of Prospect, was an early straw in the intellectual wind with his polemic in 2004, claiming that large numbers of immigrants undermine the solidarity essential to a welfare state.6 He developed his thinking in The British Dream: Successes and Failures of Postwar Immigration, which argued that integration cannot be a ‘two‐way street’ and that immigrants ‘must carry the burden of any adaption that is necessary’.7 He wove this argument into a wider narrative about the major problems within modern Britain—the lack of jobs for the white working class and the decline of a shared sense of community at both local and national level—as being caused by immigration. His 2017 book The Road to Somewhere. The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics develops this argument and provides the bedrock of Blue Labour thinking post‐Brexit.8

This book, by another of the founding figures of the red-brown Full Brexit cast, has been reviewed on this Blog and in many, many, other places. But Bloomfield looks at its more recent impact and the circles and ideas which seem to have thriven in the worst aspects of the stand against ‘Anywheres’

For Goodhart, the world is basically divided between the ‘Anywheres’, ‘the upper professional class’ with their global world outlook and the ‘Somewheres’, with their preference for place, stability and nation. These are Britain’s ‘two value blocs’ and the book is a paean of praise for the preferences and prejudices of the latter. Paul Collier, a development economist, articulates similar views. His recent book The Future of Capitalism suggests that the biggest social rifts are between the highly educated and the less educated and between the cosmopolitan metropolises and declining provinces.9 Matthew Goodwin is an initial critic of the UKIP right who has now gone native, while Eric Kaufmann gives it more intellectual heft with his demographic and cultural arguments that justify immigration policies based on racial criteria.10 These views are increasingly given a sympathetic hearing and plenty of space within the pages of the left‐wing weekly magazine the New Statesman, where they blend with its increasingly nationalist agenda.11

One can remark here as with above, there are clear parallels in France, not just in the arguments about Bobo metropolitan elites, but against the ‘liberal’ fragmentation of minority ‘identity politics’ against the voice of national identity, rooted identities. The Three Yorkshiremen faction has its counterparts across the European left.

Looking at the economics of Blue Labour Bloomfield offer as sketch which could apply to every attempt by ‘left wing’ pro Brexitetrs to argue for an independent UK, free from the burden of globalisation to make its own policies,

Blue Labour writers either ignore, disregard or diminish the realities of a globalising world, whether in terms of ecology and climate change, terrorism and security, the digital revolution or economics. The UK—or sometimes England—is deemed to stand above and apart from these grubby realities. The writers refuse to face the fact that since the Second World War, modern production has leapt the boundaries of the small and medium‐sized nation‐states that comprise Europe. Of course, hairdressers still cut people’s hair in the high street, while many small businesses access their supplies locally.

But with regard to the main elements of the economy, both in manufacturing and services, there is no way that they are going to be forced back into their national boxes. The days of a set of independently‐owned, British car companies trading primarily within a domestic market have gone. Rootes, Humber, Austin, Triumph, Morris will never return. Today, across old industrial Britain, their factories have been transformed into retail parks, business units and housing estates. And a no‐deal Brexit will do the same to Ford, Honda and Vauxhall in Bridgend, Swindon and Ellesmere Port.

The Brexit Bolsheviks, in effect, would try to in vain to recreate the 1970s industrial base of the national  labour movement..

This section is so good somebody should make it into a workshop.

Brexit has crystallised these arguments. Blue Labour has converged with those unchanged voices from the 1970s left, who still believe in ‘socialism in one country’. Embery, Goodhart, Glasman and Goodwin are all signatories to ‘The Full Brexit’ manifesto which claims that, ‘Brexit offers an unprecedented opportunity to reshape Britain for the better … to develop a genuinely internationalist and democratic politics of national sovereignty’.23

This nationalism plays into the hands of the hard right. They gleefully sense an opportunity to split the progressive and labour movement. Blue Labour proudly calls itself conservative, so it is not surprising when Conservative media outlets offer them space to promote their ideas. The libertarian, ex‐Trotskyists of the Spiked website, supported by $300,000 from the US Koch brothers, give space to ‘Lexiters’, while the conservative UnHerd website hosts Embery, Goodwin and Giles Fraser as regular columnists.24 In the post‐financial crisis maelstrom, Blue Labour initially asked how progressives should express their values. What is amazing about their current trajectory is how willing they are to discard the core values of any progressive movement—liberty, equality and solidarity—and the speed with which they have moved to become fellow‐travellers of the nationalist right.

Bloomfield has a lot to say on a “positive view of migration” which is resoundingly clear.

He concludes,

 Blue Labourites find it hard to conceive that a person can approve of European integration and yet still retain a national and local identity. As the Green movement—largely ignored by Blue Labour—expresses it, ‘think global, act local’. There is no gulf between the two. Most people can ‘walk and chew gum’ at the same time. The modern world is interconnected and overlaps. The wings for an Airbus are made in North Wales and Bristol, but the aircraft as a whole is put together in Toulouse. The blue flag beach at Bournemouth is checked, monitored and authorised by the local council, but to a European standard set by Brussels. Indian and Chinese restaurants are now part of our ‘national identity’ in every town and city in Britain. In answer to Paul Embery, in the twenty‐first century most citizens are rooted cosmopolitans.

Say it loud and clear: we are internationalists and leftists. We too are “rooted cosmopolitans. Join us on the Left Bloc on Saturday’s March!

This how we respond to the Three Yorkshiremen (they’ve split, once they were four):

John McDonnell, the Fall of the House of Left Brexit, and the ‘Centrist Remainer Take Over’.

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.Image result for JOhn Mcdonnell another europe is possible

 A Man of the Left.

John McDonnell is a serious politician of the left. Just how deliberate the Shadow Chancellor is can be seen in the way he has carefully built up an economic strategy for the Labour Party. A closed circle of aides did not create a programme that brings parts of the economy into social ownership, that looks into the details of redistributive taxation, that is open to experiments in egalitarian welfare reform. McDonnell opened up to those on the left who know their subject and listened. A long-standing figure on the left of Labour the MP for Uxbridge has experience of voicing constituents’ concerns, and of responding to a wide range of radical left-wing campaigns. John McDonnell is somebody on the best side of politics: somebody you can do business with.

Brexit has, and is, shattering British politics. Boris Johnson’s government claims to rely on the force of national history to push through the project of national neoliberalism. Can the European Reform Group and Dominic Cummings “rediscover”, as Stuart Hall put it of Margaret Thatcher the slumbering “ people” “our culture and way of life” the “instinct of the ordinary British people”?  Are the Conservatives and the Brexit Party together creating a new Great Moving Right Show? (1)

Johnson and Caesarism.

Pushing Brexit through, ratcheting up the prospect of a ‘deal’ against Parliament and a direct appeal to the nation, looks more like a war of manoeuvre than the war of position that built Thatcherism in the late 1970s. A rallying call against corrupt liberal elites scores well in opinion polls. Like the 19th century French would-be Caesar General Boulanger, Johnson promises to wield the Sword of the Nation against its enemies.  But outside the EU, ‘Global Britain’, now confronted with an EU which registers the country a potential threat, the benefits of a new age of national neoliberalism look measure, economically and socially. There are plenty of people who can see that, and their numbers are bound to grow.

Labour Policy, perhaps intelligible to those who consider that the party is trying to balance internal disagreements and the need to appeal to a minority of its own support that backs Leave, is not settled. Those, though they come from a very different political trajectory to Stuart Hall, who wish the party to take on board what the Marxism Today writer called the ‘national popular’ are at a loss. Lexit, a People’s Brexit, a mass movement to ‘take back control’, has not emerged to challenge Johnson’s actually existing Brexit. All we have now is pleas to respect the small numbers of Labour members who back some kind of compromise with Boris Johnson and get through the leave process. Increasingly internationalists in Labour have joined together to oppose leaving, to call for a third referendum in the light of changed conditions, and to campaign to turn to transform Europe rather than sit in isolation.

John McDonnell campaigned, actively, for Remain; within the broad ambit of the politics of Another Europe is Possible. He has now reached out to other remainers, notably Alistair Campbell. His reasons may include a wish to appeal to the very large constituency that identifies with Campbell’s broad politics, though not necessarily the man himself or his record at Tony Blair’s side.  McDonnell pointed out, reasonably, that neither he nor Jeremy Corbyn were Labour leaders for life. Their position had to be justified through electoral success. Few who have watched the Shadow Chancellor will doubt his commitment to making a Labour victory possible.

The Fall of the House of Lexit.

This has caused grief and a gnashing of teeth. A change in Labour full-time personnel, essential with the approaching electoral horizon, has been presented as “centrist-remainer take-over” (Skwawkbox which has  a way of quoting “Labour insiders” as if the rest of us are a bunch of outsider chumps).  McDonnell (who apparently opposed the EU so much he campaigned for remain) is “triangulating” and ” has failed to defend the internationalist principles that define Corbynism for so many”, shouts Holly Rigby on Novara Media. Labour’s newest stalwart Tariq Ali suggests that McDonnell is to the right of Donald Trump. John McDonnell is an arrant numbskull who’s had a “flirtation with the right”  (Counterfire onwards). What we need is mass demonstrations!  Some of these yelps come from the ultra-minority pro-Brexit left. Others, political birds of passage, in perpetual flight, are preparing their departure.  The Fall of the House of Lexit, a mansion of gloom, continues.

John McDonnell is a serious politician. He is of the left, that broad current of the left which spans democratic socialism and democratic Marxism. He continues to oppose Brexit. He opens up the prospect of a more egalitarian and democratic Britain, “transformational socialism”. The Shadow Chancellor is somebody well worth supporting.


The Brexit supporting Skwawkbox carries this further “insider” talk:

“Labour MP and close ally of Jeremy Corbyn Jon Trickett has responded furiously to a claim in a New Statesman ‘whitewash’ of John McDonnell’s now widely-acknowledged take-over of Corbyn’s office.”

Many Labour and union insiders believe that Murphy was removed because of her success in resisting damaging attempts to force Labour into a ‘full-remain’, referendum-first position.

Image may contain: 1 person, text

See also a must-read critique of the pro-Brexit critics of ‘rootless cosmopolitans’:




(1) The Hard Road to Renewal. Stuart Hall.  Verso. 1988.


Written by Andrew Coates

October 15, 2019 at 11:11 am

George Galloway and “#RamsayMcDonnell”. A Roman-Photo in the Age of Surveillance Leftism.

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Image may contain: 1 person, smiling

Don’t you know who I am! I used to be George Galloway, You Hear Me!

Some, with a smattering of knowledge about the left, try to explain the present foray against John McDonnell from anti-internationalists  in political terms from the distant past.

Aaron Bastani seems to think that Corbyn has something to do with the old Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).

He contrasts this McDonnell’s Eurocommunism.

Zero marks for spotting Basta!

The CPGB evoked through Euro-communism to Marxism Today.

Neither McDonnell owe anything much to either the organisation or the political current.

Both were part of the left that rejected the turn that became a kind of support for the Third Way of Blair, not to mention this (The Democratic Left was the Euro wing’s last gasp)

The Democratic Left stated a belief in a pluralist and socialist society “incompatible with the structures and values of capitalism.” Beginning as a political party, it decided not to stand candidates but instead to support tactical against the Conservatives at the 1992 General election and soon become a non-party campaigning organisation. DL campaigned on modernising unions, including Unions21; anti-racism and cultural diversity; democratising Britain, including Make Votes Count; social exclusion and poverty, including the Social Exclusion Network; focussing on coalition building, and operating in effect as a ‘socialist anti-Conservative front’.

One could say that Corbyn has some closeness to the Communist Party of Britain (CPB) – Morning Star.

But very few people would argue that his politics are, or could ever, be related to their full programme, the British Road to Socialism which includes the model of central planning from the old Soviet days that few others on the left accept.

The idea that you can find Labour policy, or in the views of either the party Leader of the Shadow Chancellor, starting from the principle that, “capitalist monopoly corporations and their state can be replaced by state power in the hands of the working class and its allies” * is off beam automated stuff.

Others think of the fight as an epic battle.

A weary warrior, lain to sleep in the comfortable sofas of RT, has been sprung to life to root out the McDonnell Trotskyite Wrecking Centre.

Others, who have read The Age of Surveillance Capitalism:  Shoshana Zuboff (2019) suggest that this a high point in the ” intensification of connection and monitoring online with spaces of social life becoming open to saturation by third rate political actors.”

The anti-McDonnald factionalists are attempting a “primitive accumulation” of emotions to moblise for the red-brown project of radical national populism, the point where Galloway meets Nigel Farage and the Brexit Party.

A more modest view is that this is a tale of spurned affection, and efforts to win it back through dramatic attention seeking.

It can be seen in this Roman-Photo.

There’s plenty more…

Written by Andrew Coates

October 12, 2019 at 12:04 pm

Brexit: The Tunnel, the Left and Labour.

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Image result for brexit

Left needs to fight National Populist Brexit.

Over the last few days Britain has seen Johnson and his team use, to a maximum, the  use of “feeling” in talks with the EU on Brexit.

It’s been a kind of multiple mirrors, reflecting the prejudices of the pro-Brexit constituency and the real issues at stake.

The most obvious intention behind the PR stunts and playing has been to prepare a “deal” which can be presented to the House of Commons tomorrow.


Boris Johnson news – live: EU gives green light for secret Brexit negotiations on PM’s plan, amid Tory polling panic


Brexit secretary Stephen Barclay has held a “constructive” meeting with the EU’s chief negotiator Michel Barnier in Brussels as the chance of a breakthrough on a withdrawal deal appeared to rise.

Mr Barnier has been given the green light from the EU27 ambassadors to move talks into the “tunnel” of more intense and secretive negotiations. EU Council president Donald Tusk said the UK had still not delivered anything “workable”, but conceded there were “promising signals”.

It comes as details of private Tory polling emerges showing Mr Johnson cannot get a Commons majority unless he delivers Brexit by 31 October. Leaving after Halloween – with or without a deal – would leave him more than a dozen MPs short after a general election.

Labour faces a threat from pro-Brexit MPs, as Patrick Maguire argues in the New Statesman.

For Downing Street, the incentive to compromise is clear. If you are Johnson or Dominic Cummings, looking at a parliament in which the DUP can no longer really be said to hold the whip hand, hearing 20 or more Labour MPs almost begging to vote for any deal, seeing the Tories who lost the whip over no-deal asking for the same, you noting that plenty of the 28 Spartans who voted against May’s deal three times are now serving in your government, and that those who aren’t are softening their opposition, and imagining the electoral dividends you’ve convinced yourself you might reap by just getting Brexit done… is it really so implausible that you’d execute this sort of U-turn?

“The 19 backbenchers said their support would be “decisive” in ensuring any new accord won the backing of the Commons.

Their pledge, in a letter to European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker, is a further challenge to the authority of Jeremy Corbyn, who last week insisted no Labour MP could support the Prime Minister’s Brexit plans.

In the letter, the MPs say the EU referendum result should be “honoured without delay”.

“It is now over 1,200 days since the UK people made the decision to leave the European Union,” the MPs wrote. “The British people have become exasperated with parliamentary deadlock.

“If a new deal can be brought back to the Commons in the coming weeks that avoids a no deal Brexit and ensures greater certainty during the UK’s departure, we believe it serves Britain’s national interest to approve it.

“Our votes will be decisive in determining the approval of that deal.”

This may well happen, stabbed in the back by the constituency Corbyn has been at such pains to appease.


In the meantime Labour Party interest is on the following.

This is from PA Media, confirming some of Campbell’s tweets from earlier.

John McDonnell has said he and Jeremy Corbyn would have to resign if Labour loses the next election.

Asked by former Labour spin doctor Alastair Campbell whether it was “possible for him to stay on” if Labour failed to win next time round, the shadow chancellor said: “I can’t see so.”

“I can’t see… I think it is the same for my own personal position, I can’t see so,” he told Campbell for an interview in GQ magazine.

“What we’d do is as the tradition, which is have an election for a new leader.”

McDonnell said he thought Mr Corbyn’s successor should be a woman.

“I’m still of the view now that whoever comes after Jeremy has got to be a woman,” he said.

“We’ve got to have a woman leader. If you look at the new youngsters that have come through, they are fantastic.”

Sectarian opponents of socialist internationalists moblise.

One section, McDonnell’s “main target is Seumas Milne” sums up this professional produced attack.

Speculation grows on the origin of this twitter account, with only 1 tweet to its name.

Skwawkbox posts a similar attack, though shorter.



Written by Andrew Coates

October 11, 2019 at 1:28 pm

Arron Banks, Leave EU, “Apologises” for ‘Kraut’ tweet as UK Politics Turns into a Carl Schmitt ‘Friend/Enemy’ Battle.

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Arron Banks Campaign on ‘the Enemy’.

Last night on Channel Four News Timothy Snyder talked about the  Schmittian turn of populist politics in the UK and the US.

Some of today’s politicians have learned propaganda tricks from 1930s fascists, says Yale professor

Democracy is a fragile creation, and the Yale professor and historian of fascism Timothy Snyder should know.

His best selling book, ‘On Tyranny’, offers some practical and political advice for resisting authoritarianism. Professor Snyder had the American reader in mind when he wrote it. But can we learn anything from his work?

I spoke to him earlier and I began by asking him if he saw parallels between the United States and what’s happening in British politics right now.

During the interview Snyder referred to Carl Schmitt and the Friend/Enemy Distinction at the foundation of his extreme right politics.

This, the Yale Professor  argued, is now influencing populism in the US and the UK.

The “Friend “Enemy” distinction outlined by the extreme right German theorist is summed up in the above image.

These are some some of his best-known quote on the topic,

The enemy is not merely any competitor or just any partner of a conflict in general. He is also not the private adversary whom one hates. An enemy exists only when, at least potentially, one fighting collectivity of people confronts a similar collectivity. The enemy is solely the public enemy, because everything that has a relationship to such a collectivity of men, particularly to a whole nation, becomes public by virtue of such a relationship.

Political thought and political instinct prove themselves theoretically and practically in the ability to distinguish friend and enemy. The high points of politics are simultaneously the moments in which the enemy is, in concrete clarity, recognized as the enemy.

From Banks to Cummings these words have become a reality in their  populist campaign to create a national neoliberal regime in Britain.

Leave.EU campaign apologises over tweet calling Merkel a ‘kraut’ and invoking world war

Leave.EU has made a rare apology for a tweet the organisation posted which showed a picture of Angela Merkel with the words: “We didn’t win two world wars to be pushed around by a Kraut.”

The tweet was apparently in response to unfounded reports from a “No 10 source” Ms Merkel had insisted in a phone call to Boris Johnson that Northern Ireland remains within the European Union’s customs union when the rest of the UK leaves the bloc.

After the tweet generated widespread outrage, co-founder of the organisation Arron Banks admitted it “went too far”, but said “the real outrage is the German suggestion that Northern Ireland be separated from the UK”.

He added: “On reflection the point could have been made better.”

Leave.EU tweeted “We’re sorry”, alongside an emoji of a downcast face.

This is a response from a comrade.

Merkel reacted with a great deal of decency to the refugee crisis, a mountain more decency than the UK government ever had,.

Being insulted by these racist pipsqueaks is blood boiling stuff.

Against the left internationalists also stands the Red Brown Front.

They do not just weaken our side by supporting the Brexit project but blur the lines between the left and the national populists with ideas constantly moving in the direction of the right.

Arron Banks – Leave UK – funded the Trade Unionists against the EU.

We await their apology for having anything to do with this gang.

The Morning Star continues to give publicity to Trade Unionists Against the EU, publishing this by the “national officer for Trade Unionists Against the EU” in support of the Tories.

Brexit: why October is good to go.

FAWZI IBRAHIM argues Labour should support the government’s determination to leave the EU at the end of next month

This is the latest project of the Red-Brown Front retweeted from the Full Brexit which the ‘trade unionists against the EU back.


Written by Andrew Coates

October 9, 2019 at 10:46 am

Pro-Brexit Karie Murphy Loses Key Labour Post. Boost for Left Internationalists, Loyalist Ultras Full of Rancour.

with 7 comments

Image result for Karie Murphy the Four Ms

Karie Murphy Loses Key Labour Post: ‘Ultras” accuse McDonnell of making a “power-play”.

The story began this morning.


In the Financial Times Jim Pickard reports,

Karie Murphy, one of the most controversial figures in Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour party, has been sidelined amid a power struggle in Britain’s main opposition party. Ms Murphy, the pro-Brexit chief of staff, is to move out of the leader’s office in Westminster to the party’s headquarters in Victoria to help run the election campaign, a Labour spokesman said on Tuesday.

The reaction from internationalists started:

The voice of the “Four M’s  the pro-Brexit group around Corbyn (Karie Murphy, Andrew Murray, Len McCluskey, and Semmus Milne) has just responded.



Within minutes of news breaking this morning that Jeremy Corbyn’s chief of staff Karie Murphy and a number of his ‘LOTO’ (Leader of the Opposition) team were being seconded to Labour’s ‘Southside’ HQ to coordinate the general election campaign, journalists hostile to the Labour left were being briefed from inside the party that the move was a form of pay-back by Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell.

McDonnell was said to be ‘furious’ over the resignation of LOTO policy expert Andrew Fisher – whose resignation has been painted by hostile corporate media as triggered by the behaviour of Corbyn’s closest aides, with a clear implication that Murphy was at the heart of the problem.


Andrew Fisher is a greatly respected comrade, known for his activism, union work, and  research before he joined the Corbyn team.

Steve Walker, that is Skwawky, continues, citing unamed “Labour insiders” – believed not to be a million miles away from the “Four Ms clique”.

“Labour insiders tell a very different story – and have accused McDonnell of making a power-play. One told the SKWAWKBOX:

Karie Murphy was Jeremy Corbyn’s firewall. She absorbed key attacks on him & carried out the ugly jobs dutifully. She shovelled the s**t everyone else was either too timid and/or too self-interested to touch.

Hold your breath…..

There are only two potential reasons for wanting to connive to remove her. First, so they can isolate and destroy Jeremy. Second, so they can control him. We won’t have long to wait to discover which of those motivations were behind this redeployment.

The site continues,

This has been brewing for a while. John has been on manoeuvres, as his comments about Labour and remain have shown when Jeremy has wanted Labour’s ‘sensible leave deal’.

But it dates back much further. Hostilities commenced in June last year, at least in part in response to Jennie [Formby] becoming general secretary, and have gone steadily downhill since.

Of course, Karie’s too highly regarded (Note: not by internationalists! ) for John to get her out altogether. But all of a sudden, Jeremy’s closest aides who have helped resist John’s attempts to push the party down a damaging line are all in a different building, leaving Jeremy isolated and exposed.

For “damaging line” read, Comrade McDonnell’s efforts to get Labour to adopt a firm anti-Brexit position.

McDonnell, it is widely acknowledged, knows something about economics, and if he doesn’t know it, he has a whole raft of serious advisers to tell him. His stand on Brexit, some might say, is a pretty good indication of this.

That’s apart from his clear roots in the internationalist democratic socialist movement.

Skwawky then publishes Andrew Fisher’s resignation letter which gives details of what he had to endure from that lot/

This is a key section, it illustrates for comrade Fisher,

a snapshot of the lack of professionalism, competence and human decency which I am no longer willing to put up with daily. I’ve tried to resolve some of these issues for a long time, but have been unable to – and yesterday just proved that I never will.

No  internationalist will shed any tears over pro-Brexit Murphy’s departure.

Fighting Boris Johnson’s national neo-liberalism, spearheaded by Brexit, with people who support leaving the EU in top Labour posts, means having one hand tied behind the back.

This is the wider Labour shake-up:

Written by Andrew Coates

October 8, 2019 at 4:59 pm