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Factionalism in the time of Coronavirus.

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Corbyn supporters warned against continued Labour infighting under ...

Starmer Won Decisive Victory..

Labour Leader Keir Starmer was backed by people from all sides of the Party, including some from the radical internationalist left.

At present most of the left are concentrating on sensible reports on Covid-19 and the government’s flawed responses.

But a few have different concerns.

As expected some people in the Labour Party, also from the left,  were, and are, not happy with Keir Starmer’s election.

A handful have joined other parties.

Or as Corbyn’s best friend, the Socialist Party (former ‘Militant’) put it, immediately the Labour ballot result was known.

Since Keir Starmer was elected leader of the Labour Party, the Socialist Party has been inundated with applications to join.

One enthusiast wrote…

I wish to join a true socialist party. Labour with Starmer is, I feel, going to become centrist and renounce socialist values.



This is Britain’s most famous Vegan’s take,

The left’s future is not in Labour but in extra-parliamentary struggle .

CHRIS WILLIAMSON believes the struggle to claim Labour for the left cannot succeed

Sir Keir Starmer represents a lurch back to the days when Labour embraced neoliberalism, when Tony Blair made a Faustian pact with Murdoch’s empire and Clause IV was jettisoned, thereby expunging any commitment to socialism.


..that is why I am working with others to create a new grassroots movement to build capacity in communities and raise political consciousness.

The Morning Star, which prints this article is wholly independent of pro-Brexit Communist Party of Britain and is run by the Co-Op.

A different approach is taken by these groups,

Joint Statement by the LRC, Jewish Voice for Labour and Red Labour.

This is their principal objective.

Socialists in the party need to work together, in coalition, now more than ever. Alongside others in the Labour Party, we will help rebuild the left around a new, national network, which will be a place to organise, educate and debate in order to deliver the socialist society we all need.

We commit to democratic and transparent organisation; working to democratise the Labour Party and the trade unions; defending party members against unjust disciplinary processes and supporting the self-organisation of groups contesting particular oppressions.

Fair enough.

You can follow the activities of this cartel of small factions through events such as this:


The Weekly Worker, concentrating on the ‘disciplinary processes’, seems determined to cause as much trouble as possible within this body, firm in the CPGB (Provisional Central Committee) control – with Jackie Walker and Tony Greenstein, of Labour Against the Witch-hunt (LAW).


LAW itself is undergoing yet another internal crisis..

In the latest issue of the Organ of the CPGB (Provisional Central Committee) is said to have got the line “completely wrong”.


following the attack on Diane Abbott and Bell Ribeiro-Addy for speaking at an online meeting where two expelled Labour members were present, Labour Against the Witchhunt was completely wrong to call for “solidarity” with the MPs. They had, after all, defended themselves by stating they did not know who was in the meeting. A statement was issued on their behalf making it clear that they would not have taken part if they had known the two expelled comrades were present. This is to bow before, to legitimise, the witch-hunt.

Most Labour members, familiar or not with LAW’s antics, or its leading figure Tony Greenstein, will begin from very different premises.

The performance of our new leader, his ability to stand up and make telling points on the government’s handling of the Coronavirus crisis,  backed by a unity team from nearly every wing of the party, has been widely seen as solid. Any left worth its salt needs to start from recognising that.


Elections for Momentum seem the occasion for another battle between different tendencies.

As it unfurls it will merit a post of its own.

But it’s another factionalist war that  is worth signaling today.

Where you may ask?

More obscure than the Weekly Worker?

Yes: a sound of wailing and a gnashing of teeth has been heard from our old friends Skwawkbox.

Starmer confirms no interest in winning back leave seats

Shadow Cabinet Office minister Rachel Reeves has essentially confirmed what many working-class Labour supporters feared – that Keir Starmer’s team is essentially uninterested in winning back the more than 50 leave-voting seats Labour lost in the 2019 general election.

Followed by this “bombshell” article, by no coincidence at all aimed at a pro-European MP who has backed Another Europe is Possible.

Russell-Moyle employs Momentum founder Lansman as ‘researcher’.

Brighton Kemptown MP Lloyd Russell-Moyle, now on Keir Starmer’s front bench as an environment minister, has employed Momentum founder Jon Lansman as a researcher, according to the latest Members’ register of secretaries and researchers.

Russell-Moyle was reportedly linked to an attempt to replace former deputy leadership candidate Richard Burgon as secretary of the Socialist Campaign Group of left-wing MPs as a precursor to widening the group’s membership to include ‘soft left’ MPs and argued in a LabourList article for working with the soft left.

Without his mate as Labour General Secretary, and with the leadership of UNITE said to be up for a new election, (UNITE: the race to replace McClusky begins in earnest) the Skwawky one has taken up his old trade: news fabrication.

This is Steve Walker’s latest misinformation, which you can, if you wish, read in full.

Russell-Moyle employs Momentum founder Lansman as ‘researcher’.

Skwawkbox, so far from the international left, so near to national populism…

Or so a factionalist might say..

It’s hardly surprising that this reaction has just appeared






Beyond Market Dystopia. Socialist Register 2020. Review.

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Dystopian photograph peering down the long hallway of an abandoned building full of debris.

Beyond Market Dystopia. New Ways of Living, Socialist Register 2020. Edited by Leo Panitch and Greg Albo. Merlin Press/Monthly Review Press.


This Review appears in the latest print edition (May/June 2020)  of Chartist Magazine.

(As will be obvious, it was written before the present Coronavirus pandemic swept the world. The difference this has made make a post in itself).

“Perhaps the foremost challenge in trying to think beyond the market dystopia of contemporary capitalism” the Preface to the 2020 Edition of the Socialist Register states, is to “asses the implications of the alarming ecological conditions” we now confront. The two editors ask whether a “new strategy for structural reform that would take capital away from capital” and remake the “nature-society relation”.

In the opening essay, Stephen Mahler, Sam Ginden and Leo Panitch hail the “renewed appeal of socialist discourse”. They speculate on the challenges that would face socialist-led governments and André Gorz’s (1968) “non-reformist reform”. The opportunity to test plans for economic democracy against Gorz’s later sceptical view that the working class no longer had the capacity to organise production, and be the subject of social transformation, has, for the immediate future, vanished (Adieux au prolétariat. 1980). Today the “tens of thousands of young people” “galvanised” into groups like Momentum and the Democratic Socialists of America are digesting the Labour Party’s historic 2019 defeat and Bernie Sanders’ uncertain future.

One aspect looks set to continue, “the ‘Green New Deal’ and ‘just transition’ have become central parts of the socialist lexicon.” Indeed some are staking the survival of the Corbyn project through a dose of Ecosocialism, as offered by Rebecca Long-Bailey’s version of the Green New Deal.

Other contributors offer a glimpse into the scale of environmental and other global problems. In a thoughtful article Barbara Harriss-White probes the world’s ecological catastrophes and suggests that alarm is not misplaced. What can be done in one country, she asks, when capitalism is the problem? Carbon-reducing mechanisms are not yet up to the task. Climate change is set continue. Nancy Holmstrom is more upbeat, “Based on a global commitment to public goods/commons as the default and social rationality we can aim for the ‘buen vivir’ for all”. Many readers will agree with Harriss-White that in this area there are more questions than answers.

Amy Bartholomew and Hilary Wainwright strike a more optimistic note. Recounting their take on the refugee and migrant crisis in Greece they discover “radical democracy” in the refugee-solidarity City Plaza Squat in Athens. This “accommodation and Solidarity Space” was linked to broader anti-racist initiatives. A “radically democratic model of living together” in this one hotel, practiced “equality and freedom”. Evicted under the victorious right-wing New Democracy government, the authors see the City Plaza as part of “solidarity across struggles”.

Despite this “new landscape” there is no indication about how a radical left government, led by Syriza, under EU and home-created fiscal pressure, could deal on its own with large numbers of migrants.

One of the contributions to Socialist Register stands out. Yu Chunsen offers a brilliant account of the struggles of the “new precarious working class” in Chinese factories. Workmates, “gongyou” have established their own forms of solidarity faced with “management by stress”, workplace despotism, and trade unions which function as conveyer belts for management rule. Chunsen compares the Chinese willingness to take “collective actions” with the making of the English working class described by E.P.Thompson.

“Socialism is Back,” declares Nancy Fraser in the concluding contribution. Some people suggest that the Tory victory in Britain will see a revival not of socialism but of “left folk politics”. That is, a retreat to indignation and moral protests. Alyssa Battistoni, from the populist cheerleaders of the US Jacobin magazine, cites a long list. In the indignados, Occupy, Nuit Debout, the “London riots” Black Lives Matter to Red for Ed (Red For Education)” she sees “struggles combine critiques of wealth inequality, renewed labour militancy and attention to the spaces of daily life..” To which one can add Extinction Rebellion and the Global Climate Strike, admirable though they are. None of these have been strategies towards an electorally victorious socialism prepared to begin “non-reformist reforms”.

Andrew Coates

Written by Andrew Coates

May 17, 2020 at 9:45 am

Morning Star, “recycled fragments of the ultra left now line up with the main vehicles of the Labour right wing and much of the liberal and neoliberal media.”

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Image result for ultra leftism in britain Betty reid

Be Alert: Keep a Copy of this Handbook Close at all Times!

The leadership contest has revealed new contours in Labour’s ideological topography. Nick Wright.



The former Straight left stalwart writes in the Morning Star, independent of the Communist Party of Britain and owned by the Co-op.

This article may be seen as a response to the Guardian column, The Labour leadership contest has exposed new factions in the party ( ).

Sharper than a serpent’s tooth was this section,

 The orthodox left still basically wants to implement the Communist party’s 1951 plan, The British Road to Socialism, with its vision of socialism being implemented in one country by a strong, centralised national government. They lean heavily towards a pro-Brexit position, while tending to interpret support for Brexit among working-class voters as incipient class consciousness rather than tabloid-inspired xenophobia.

Followed by,

The radical left is still a very new, fragile and inexperienced tendency that has a long way to go before emerging as a mature political formation. It brings together the more libertarian strands of the hard left, the more radical strands of the soft left, and a new generation of activists from outside the traditions of the Labour party.

Wright makes a clarion call for the whole of the left to support Long-Bailey, and follow the doughty progressive patriot for better reasons than the (official) left who back her, “mainly out of sheer loyalty to her mentor, John McDonnell, that most of the radical left have supported her.”

He aims to dampen down this deviation:  “Privately, many on the radical left agree with former MP Alan Simpson that the dogmatic and authoritarian tendencies of the orthodox left smothered the creative and democratic potential of Corbynism, contributing to its eventual downfall.

The Communist Party of Britain sage writes of Labour’s General Election Campaign.

The disparate elements that Corbyn’s election united has ended and the wide legitimacy that Labour’s radical programme commanded is now challenged by people who attribute the election defeat to “socialist policies” which must be abandoned.

With the help of ace-reporters Wright discovers that Labour was, at one point, on the brink of victory,

…. a wave of popular participation, an effective social media operation, skilled targeting of swing seats and a bold manifesto (along with the divisions in the Tory ranks and a weakened Liberal Democrat Party) produced a surge in support that eroded a 20-point Tory lead and took Corbyn within a few thousand votes of No 10.

We may not have noticed that, but he did!

The fault lay in a failure to respect the decision to respect the Brexit vote, something which Wight and his comrades tirelessly campaigned for.

Instead of becoming a springboard for a further assault on a divided ruling class — this itself apparent in a highly conflicted Tory Party in government — this hopeful prospect was dissipated as Labour’s activists and mass base were sidelined by a parliamentary party intent on subverting the clear decision to respect the referendum result.

Worse was to come,

Labour (was)  corralled into an increasingly Get Brexit Undone policy, the way was open for Labour’s manifesto to be driven to the margins of public discussion.

The People’s Vote campaign, a middle class mass movement, had sown confusion in Labour ranks.

The success of the Remain camp in conflating “internationalism” with a kind of shared European privilege to travel, study and work freely threatens to undermine the deeper internationalism that found an expression in the mass movement against neoliberal trade deals, in the Stop the War movement, the anti-racist and solidarity action with refugees and migrant workers and the Palestine solidarity movement.

The kind of internationalism that has stood by while Assad, Russia and Iran,  attack Idid in Syria, in short.

Remain, unlike Boris Johnson and the ERG, had a “neoliberal project.”

Worse the pro-EU side has  echoes of fascism, foretold in  ” manifesto of Oswald Mosley’s postwar racist revival”.

He cites Gilbert (above), without mentioning (surely an oversight),  the passage of the British Road to Socialism,

It is to Jeremy Gilbert, professor of cultural and political theory at the University of East London, that we owe the insight that the leadership contest has revealed new contours in Labour’s ideological topography and that the only way for Labour to win is to ditch “Labourism.”

Writing about Labour’s so-called “soft left,” he writes: “Despite the failures of both Kinnock and Miliband, their default assumption remains that progressive government can be achieved by selling moderate social democracy to the electorate, led by a guy in a smart suit.”

Worse is to come….

It is to this inspiring standard that the recycled fragments of the ultra left now line up with the main vehicles of the Labour right wing and much of the liberal and neoliberal media.

The Morning Star writer has a warning to them:

While it might suit some to reduce much of politics to the clash of cultures, no-one should underestimate the political potency of questions of nationhood, patriotism and identity.

As in progressive patriotism.

Cde Wright ends with a stirring call for unity behind the banner of the “Orthodox Left”-  including these “recycled fragments”, supporters of a neoliberal project, who admire something with the odour of Oswald Mosley “?

A dog-eared copy of Betty Reid’s, ‘Ultra Leftism in Britain’, (1969. CPGB) would surely show the dangers of the “ultra left” in their true light.

Memoirs of a Critical Communist. Towards a History of the Fourth International. Livio Maitan. Review.

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Image result for livio maitan


Memoirs of a Critical Communist. Towards a History of the Fourth International. Livio Maitan. Resistance Books/Merlin Press. 2019.

(This review appears in the latest, March-April, Chartist Magazine.).

Livio Maitan (1923 – 2004) was a leading figure in the international Trotskyist Movement who won respect and had an influence, on the wider left. Memoirs of a Critical Communist, published in Italian in 2006, his last book, is a “contribution” to the history of the Fourth International. The Italian was, with Pierre Frank, (France) and the influential economist Ernest Mandel (Belgium), a leading figure in the main branch of Trotskyism. Maitan had, the late French Marxist philosopher Daniel Bensaïd, writes in the Preface, “a sense of humour and self-irony”, a warmth and intellectual breadth, which is far from the general picture of a Trotskyist leader.

Maitan’s book  Party, Army and Masses in China (published in Italian in 1969), appeared in English in 1976. Written with an audience sympathetic to the Cultural Revolution in mind it was critical of the Chinese bureaucracy but falls far short of the robust demolition of Mao’s “sterilising totalitarianism,” by Simon Leys.

The present volume ranges much wider. It is a “history of the activities of the activities of the international leadership” of his current until his passing. Pages cover the disputes within Trotskyism during the Cold War, the anti-colonial revolutions, the 68 upheavals, the Portuguese Carnation Revolution of 1974, up to what Franco Turigliatto has called “the congress of “disillusionment” of 1995. This tried to come to terms with the fall of Communism and world-wide setbacks for the whole the left (Livio Maitan’s last book). This saw an end of hopes for democratic left-wing developments in what Trotskyists considered to be “bureaucratised transitional societies”.

Latin American Left.

Memoirs recounts Maitan’s extensive involvement with the Latin American left. The faction run by Posadas, best known today for its belief in flying saucers, but in the ‘sixties for asserting that the world revolution was now led from Latin America and Africa, was one of many to stress the importance of these countries. The guerrilla strategy of Che Guevara, who had “read, and liked Mandel’s Marxist Economic Theory”, attracted support in Bolivia, where Trotskyism had influence in the workers’ movement.

The practice of armed struggle led to intense debates across the continent, and the creation of “political-military” groups committed to armed struggle. Disputes in Argentina, where Trotskyism, continues to have an influence, took place against the background of extreme state repression, and calls for militaristic responses. The niceties of Maitan’s account, which also covers Chile and Mexico, including the row with the ‘Moreno’ tendency that continued till the 1980s, will interest specialists.

Maitan has an eye for detail. He describes the Militant leader Ted Grant carting around Marxist relics in his briefcase to quote Trotsky “chapter and verse”. Talented Rally Speaker Tariq Ali is cited as returning from a visit to  North Korea in 1971 with “fairly positive opinion” about its economic development.

The American Socialist Workers Party (no relation to the UK SWP), the oldest Trotskyist party in the world, and an influence on the celebrated list of 1930s New York Intellectuals under the impact of Jack Barnes today subordinates its politics to the Cuban state. Maitan charges them with their leader’s “authoritarian behaviour” and purging their group by accusations of “disloyalty”. He does not explore allegations of ‘cultism’ and  being “Trotskyist missionaries” common to those who have had contact with them in Europe.

Memoirs of a Critical Communist is far from the work of a cultist. If not always an easy read, even for those familiar with the personalities involved and the movements. From optimism in 1968 “during the heat of the action”, to criticism of one of Trotskyism most abiding traits, leaders “wedded to centralising tendencies and charismatic methods” Maitan emerges as a keen observer.

The willingness to engage with other radical movements, to rethink ideas in the light of experience, to try to build “a global anticapitalist movement” on a socialist basis, has been helped by activists of his calibre. For those prepared to plunge into the difficulties the left faces this book is an important reference point.



See also: Book Review: Heroism of reason – On Livio Maitan’s “Memoirs” LÖWY Michael

This is of particular relevance to the Chartist article:

I confess that I don’t agree with my friend Daniel Bensaid’s criticism of Livio’s discussion of Latin America: “The comments about the controversies regarding the armed struggle in Latin America may appear incomplete and partial to many of us”. On the contrary, I find these pages among the most lively and interesting of the Memoirs. Livio’s draft on armed struggle, presented at the 9h World Congress provoked as he writes, “moment of highest tension and passionate interest”, both among the Latin American delegates and the others. [4] He recognizes that prioritizing rural guerrilla was a mistake, but explains that these were the views of our main organizations in the continent, in Bolivia and Argentina. There are a few very moving pages about Roberto Santucho, the main leader of the the PRT (Revolutionary Workers Party), the Argentinian section of the FI until 1973, both criticizing his wrong views – the illusion that, by leaving the FI, he would get weapons from the “Soviet comrades” – and paying homage to an intransigent revolutionary who gave his life for the cause.


Taking stock of four decades since the foundation of the FI, Livio raises the difficult question: why has our movement failed to play a leading role anywhere ? Among the reasons: the destructive splits, the negative role of authoritarian, centralist, even “Bonapartist” leaders (the list of names is too long), propagandist and voluntarist attitudes, and, for some, a dogmatic approach, exclusively based on the Russian experience of 1917, and on quotes from Leon Trotsky. But the main factor was objective: the force of attraction of the USSR, China, Cuba. Castroism had a special power of attraction for the radical left, and this led to the last split, when the SWP (under the leadership of Jack Barnes) broke with the FI (in 1990), gave up Trotskyism and uncritically adopted the line of the Cuban government.

Written by Andrew Coates

March 3, 2020 at 12:01 pm

Gerry Downing, “I now repudiate the use of the term “the world ‘Jewish-Zionist bourgeoisie’” and the whole notion of a Jewish-Zionist imperialist vanguard as antisemitic tropes.”

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Image result for andrew neil gerry downing antisemitism

“I now repudiate the use of the term “the world ‘Jewish-Zionist bourgeoisie’” and the whole notion of a Jewish-Zionist imperialist vanguard as antisemitic tropes.”

Narked on Nietzsche, Angst on Amazon, the world Trotskyist Movement has been torn asunder in recent days.


To be honest, from what this Blog hears and can see, Gerry Downing is what he says. 

Is he a lost sheep returning to the fold?

That is less clear, but this is a welcome step in the right direction.

The issue of anti-semitism can lead came on the BBC only last night.

In France the weekend saw this event:

Réunions le vendredi 14 et le samedi 15 février à Paris 13e : Le négationnisme et la gauche, un mensonge antisémite pour la cause ?

Meetings on Friday February 14 and Saturday February 15 in Paris 13th: Holocaust denial and the left, an anti-Semitic lie for the cause?

The meetings went into not just holocaust denial on the ‘left, but the wider issue of left-wing anti-semitism.

…il existe un négationnisme de gauche. Porté depuis 1945, par des militants dont l’histoire politique a commencé dans le camp des progressismes et des révolutions sociales, dans les avant-gardes politiques et culturelles, et dont l’antisémitisme a été nié, toléré, et même approuvé, parfois largement. De Rassinier à Dieudonné, en passant par certains courants d’ultra-gauche qui ont finalement abouti aux mêmes horreurs que les courants staliniens qu’ils prétendaient critiquer, le négationnisme a trouvé divers prétextes pour tenter de s’imposer comme allié de gauche : le pacifisme, la dénonciation de l’antifascisme comme suppôt du capitalisme, l’antisionisme.

Holocaust denial exists on the left. It’s been borne, since 1945, by activists whose political history began in the camp of progressivism and social revolution, in the political and cultural avant-garde, and whose anti-Semitism has been denied, tolerated, and even approved, sometimes widely. From Rassinier to Dieudonné, passing through certain ultra-left currents which ultimately led to the same horrors as the Stalinist currents they claimed to criticise, Holocaust denial found various pretexts to try to assert itself as an ally of the left: from pacifism, the denunciation of anti-fascism as a support for capitalism, to anti-Zionism.

Now we learn:

On the Crisis in Socialist Fight and my own responsibility for it

By Gerry Downing 17 February 2020

Gerry Downing took the only principled stance a revolutionary Trotskyist could take in that interview.

Extracts: I accept the central line of the document below by Alonso from France that sets out my responsibility for the crisis in SF.  I also accept his judgment on Ian Donovan’s lurch to the right since 2015:

When the fusion in 2015 only took place, I did not examine too closely the politics of Ian’s Draft Theses on the Jews and Modern Imperialism  in 2014, which I now repudiate. [1] The second mistake was to accept too easily, again without serious examination, the assurances Ian gave me that Gilad Atzmon was not antisemitic and was indeed only a left wing Jew who defended the Palestinians by denouncing his own ethnicity. I made no political concessions in the interview with Atzmon in January 2018 and I was entirely correct in the first paragraph but no longer agree fully with the ending of the introductory statement to the article.

After a far closer examination of his politics I now think he has no place in the struggle against Zionism and can only do damage to the cause of the Palestinians by painting opponents of Zionism as fascists. I now believe he is not only racist and antisemitic but also a left fascist ideologically.


I made the ill-considered concession because I had lost two Trotskyist militants from SF who were politically educated in the history of Marxism but who capitulated to the right wing pressures. I desperate needed someone who understood the history of the Marxism-Leninism-Trotskyism, at least to a certain level and so made that alliance with Ian, which I now recognise as opportunist. It is in general impossible for Marxist theoreticians to encounter another that agrees with him or her on every detail; Marx and Engels had differences and so had Lenin and Trotsky, nonetheless the former had close enough agreement to found the science of Marxism and the latter enough to lead the Russian Revolution to victory.

Subsequent arguments saw Ian defend Atzmon’s admiration for Ku Klux Klan man David Duke. He wrote to me on Facebook:

“If you understood why Political Zionism is worse than Apartheid and Jim Crow you might gain some insight. Clue: read Moshe Machover on different types of settler colonialism. If you understand that, you might understand why (Alan) Dershowitz (arch Zionist) is worse than David Duke. Some forms of colonialism are genocidal. Some are not.”

In September 2019 I encountered a post forwarded by one Devon Nola which contained the following sentence:

 “One of the first new laws created by the Jewish Bolsheviks when they took over Russia was to make “antisemitism” punishable by jail or death. Despite its freedoms, the United States is now following in Russia’s footsteps, with Jews like Chuck Schumer leading the charge.” [3]

The subsequent defence of this outrageous fascistic post, the notion that the Russian Revolution was a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy and other far rightist positions, many that repeat the propaganda of the White Armies and the Nazis against the Russian Revolution, by Devon Nola and Gilad Atzmon demonstrated to me that they were enemies of Trotskyism and socialism in general. [4] This shock and subsequent acrimonious debates with Ian and his Trotskyist Faction convinced me that this political current was, in fact, left Strasserite-Mussolini fascists. Ian Donovan and his Trotskyist Faction made it an absolute principle to defend this fascistic current.

Here he declared himself a fascist. As these arguments developed it became clear Ian had developed a full blown ideological outlook in lockstep with Atzmon

Gerry Downing states,

Draft Theses on the Jews rejected now repudiate the use of the term “the world ‘Jewish-Zionist bourgeoisie’” and the whole notion of a Jewish-Zionist imperialist vanguard as antisemitic tropes.

More: Alonso’s comment from France

It was not that anybody followed the Socialist Fight “line” in the first place, but the way it reflected the existence of a Red-Brown trend that concerned people.

The further evolution of Donovan will be of interest.

This is his immediate response:

This has to be the most pathetic, humiliating document I have read in many years in politics.”


There is nothing new about this behaviour. All revisionists and betrayers of Marxist politics always behave like this. You will be exposed just the same way as previous betrayers.

Written by Andrew Coates

February 18, 2020 at 12:20 pm

Galloway Launches Workers Party of Britain in Birmingham Mass Meeting.

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Image result for workers party of britain birmham rally"

It’s off!

Birmingham yesterday saw the launch rally of an exciting new party that will shake the boots of the bourgeoisie and EU elites!

In a hall packed out with all the supporters they could muster, the twinkle-eyed man in the Fedora addressed the crowds who thoughtfully left many seats vacant for late-comers.

Ignore the empty chairs!

The Red Brown Front is growing as Galloway retweets this cutting edge put-down of Wokedom.

Galloway may no longer get the rave reviews from old friends  Counterfire and Socialist Worker but he has a new ally in the Daily Express.

George Galloway brilliantly explains why Brexit is ‘beginning of the end’ for ‘fading EU’

See more of the historic public launch of the Workers Party of Britain. Delegates from across the country discuss policy and the future for a real workers movement in Britain!

It’s already getting rave reviews!

Being a Tory most of my life I am pleasantly surprised that I agree with everything this party stands for. It’s time to unite the left and the right in this country.
When I joined the Labour party in 1984. The party represented men in donkey jackets and steel toe capped boot’s. Today’s Labour party represents men in high heels and a floral print dress.

Blue Labour Maurice Glassman Cites Dominic Cummings, “We are going to implement a socialist economic programme centred on the working class.”

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Image result for maurice glasman blue labour


“The Conservative Party will consolidate a new class coalition, tearing up competition rules, reversing Beeching, building real bridges not symbolic ones” Maurice Glasman, Blue ‘Labour’. 

The Full Brexit is developing fast from a Sovereigntist alliance, of  Blue Labour, Labour Leave, the Communist Party of Britain, fellow travelling Stalinist chumps, leading New Left Review contributor Wolfgang Streeck, one-time Revolutionary Communist Party cadres, now in the Spiked network, like Heartfield (born John Hughes), the man who bottled out of standing as a Brexit Party candidate against Corbyn, Arron Banks funded Trade Unionists Against the EU, oddballs and funny money chaps.

Welcome their new allies: the Tories.

These are all about a meeting of the faithful, last night, The British Left after Brexit.

Just remember this Dempsey statement when he’s invited to speak at labour movement events.


Not that this cranky academic below will ever get asked to speak at one

Failed Greek politician and academic dabbler Lapavitas goes further, bizarrely claiming that backing Brexit and voting Tory is part of the “revolt against neoliberalism”


We just cant wait to watch this:

There is a term for the new turn of the red-brown (‘left’ and hard right Brexit Party) front, and, now…..Dominic Cummings.

It’s political confusionism.