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‘No Cold War’, China: The Return of the Anti-Imperialism of Fools?

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Pillar of Shame commemorating Tiananmen crackdown faces removal in Hong Kong  : NPR

The Removal of the Pillar of Shame is Heavy in Symbolism.

This act spells the intention to write the Tiananmen Square massacre out of history.

This is the lying explanation for the removal:

So much for history and memory.

Earlier this month the social imperialists of the Chinese Communist Party capitalist dictatorship issued this document, favourably reported on by their British supporters.

“CHINA published the report China: Democracy that Works on Saturday, outlining its “whole-process democracy” and arguing its political system is more democratic than that of the United States.”

The document contained these claims.

“The US has developed a system of strategies and tactics for “peaceful evolution”. It would start with “cultural exchanges”, economic assistance, and then public opinion shaping to foster an atmosphere for “color revolution”. It would exaggerate the mistakes and flaws of incumbent governments to foment public grievances and anti-government sentiments.

In the meantime, it would brainwash local people with American values and make them identify with America’s economic model and political system. It would also cultivate pro-US NGOs and provide all-round training to opposition leaders. It would seize the opportunity of major elections or emergencies to overthrow targeted governments through instigating street political activities.

In recent history, the US has pushed for the neo-Monroe Doctrine in Latin America under the pretext of “promoting democracy”, incited “color revolution” in Eurasia, and remotely controlled the “Arab Spring” in West Asia and North Africa. These moves have brought chaos and disasters to many countries, gravely undermining world peace, stability and development.”

‘The “Arab Spring” that started in 2010 was an earthquake that shook the entire Middle East. The US orchestrated the show behind the scene, and played a key role. The New York Times revealed in 2011 that a small core of American government-financed organizations were promoting democracy in “authoritarian” Arab states. A number of the groups and individuals directly involved in the “Arab Spring” revolts received training and financing from US organizations like the International Republican Institute, the National Democratic Institute and Freedom House’.

To underline the Chinese capitalist dictatorship’s adherence to the ‘anti-imperialism of fools’ they added.

In countries forced to copy and paste American values, there is no sign of true democracy, true freedom, or true human rights. What have been left in these countries are prevailing scenes of persisting chaos, stagnation and humanitarian disasters.

And (the site cited is a marginal one, to say the least),

As suggested by the French website Le Grand Soir, democracy has long become a weapon of massive destruction for the US to attack countries with different views.

Is is a surprise that the social imperialists have attracted this support?

How should democracy be defined? December 2021.

Democracy was the focus for speakers from both China and around the world at the International Forum on Democracy in Beijing. How should we assess the concept of democracy today? And what evidence best shows the practical interpretation and application of the concept of democracy?

To discuss these questions and more, we’ve invited He Jing, attorney at GEN Law Firm; Helga Zepp-LaRouche, founder and president of the Schiller Institute; and Zoon Ahmed Khan, research fellow at the Center for China and Globalization.

The Schiller Institute is a front for the far-right Larouche cult.

It is, naturally, no surprise that the Chinese Communist Party gets this support.

Then there is Tel’s Nipper:

The Establishment Feared Corbyn’s Internationalism

The piece is interesting in that it shows wider, if limited, forces that self-identify with the left lining up behind the No to the New Cold War rhetoric promoted by the Friends of Socialist China..

The member of the New Left Review Editorial Board opines on foreign policy. He starts by laying into UK pro-Israel policies, “Maximal support for Israeli ethnic cleansing is the new bipartisan norm. ” And so on.

Of more symptomatic interest is that Eagleton calls for ” an anti-imperialism that surpasses moralism.”

As in,

The UK is currently gearing up for a new Cold War in which it will act as head servant to the United States, using its inflated military budget to counter Chinese and Russian influence. Last summer, Boris Johnson dispatched a warship to the Black Sea to antagonize Vladimir Putin, and sent an aircraft carrier strike group into the contested South China Sea to rile Xi Jinping’s Defense Ministry. Johnson has now joined the AUKUS nuclear pact with the United States and Australia, designed to militarize the Pacific region and escalate the arms race with China.

“In  this context, it is vital for the Left to forcefully oppose the Atlantic compact while also rejecting apologia for its strategic adversaries (whose crimes, from Xi’s internment of Uyghurs to Putin’s bombardment of Syria, should not be understated).

Yet if socialists continue to confine themselves to black-and-white humanitarian crises, they will be unable to rise to this discursive challenge. The extraordinary danger of renewed great power conflict, mostly elided by progressive media outlets and MPs, calls for an internationalism with the analytic tools to confront it.”

The pro-Brexit sovereigntist continues, shedding a tear over Corbins defeat. There was “a brief moment during the Corbyn era”, one that has passed most of us actual Labour members by.

That was the time when a “national industrial strategy ” based on self-reliance was on the cards,

This strategy was to be implemented by a more active state, unshackled from the ordoliberal competition rules of the EU, that could have played a dynamic role in coaxing and directing investment.

Leaving the “ever closer union” also gave the leadership the opportunity to develop a new trade justice policy, reshaping Britain’s trading relationships to reflect the principles of global solidarity (in contrast to the neocolonial EU Customs Union, which guarantees competitive advantage for European producers). Shadow minister Jon Trickett drew up plans for an international alliance of progressive leaders, including Brazil’s Lula da Silva and Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, as a substitute for Britain’s circle of oil-rich despots.

In this realm of something that never happened and was never going to happen, a banner with strange device was raised:

” This program combined a commitment to justice abroad with transformative measures at home. It was alert to the practical implications of disentangling the UK from its imperial networks — and it offered a radical vision of Britain outside the EU, bringing an end to the assumption that Brexit was an intrinsically racist or nationalist enterprise.”

Most people thought Labour, under Corbyn’s leadership called to vote Remain in the EU – but then Ollie had obviously got so close to Labour’s Chief he knew better than the Party card-carriers, commentators, and historians, though probably not the Morning Star.

Yet, Brexit took place and showed itself “racist and nationalist”.

That’s more of a proof than an article in the US left populist Jacobin…

Written by Andrew Coates

December 23, 2021 at 10:01 am

Éric Zemmour and Fascism.

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Meeting d'Eric Zemmour : Le groupuscule d'ultradroite « les Zouaves »  pourrait ĂȘtre dissous

 Les Zouaves, Far Right Thugs Backing Zemmour.

One of the features of Éric Zemmour’s candidacy for the Presidential election has been the entry in force of the different factions of the French far-right behind his campaign. For many this illustrates that there is cross-over between his national populism and fascism. That while not backed up by a totalitarian mass party Zemmour and his ideas are part of the “fachosphĂšre.”

A few voices disagree. They say that the polemicist is a “creature of the Establishment” and that “Zemmour indeed sounds like a fascist and has the ideas of a fascist (De quoi Zemmour est-il le symptĂŽme morbide ? Ugo Palheta) but unlike his electoral opponent Marine Le Pen, the leader of the National Rally party, he has no direct link with the French fascist tradition” (Éric Zemmour is no fascist – he’s the creature of the French establishment). Not only does he not come, as Marine Le Pen does , from a venerable extreme-right lineage but Philippe MarliĂšre claims that the candidate embodies the “universalism” of the French republican tradition that the upper crust holds to. This is one whose claims to colour-blindness and globally valid values, liberty equality and fraternity, are a Smoke scĂ©en to squash ethic differences and act as a cover for discrimination. More. The Open Democracy contributor claims that ” a racist like Zemmour can find in assimilationist republicanism a handy tool to exercise his hatred of Muslims and foreigners.”

There is a place for discussion about what has been called a Particularity (French Republicanism) that claims to be a Universalism. There is a debate about how French culture has become dominated by a series of reactionary ideas, both traditional – and confusionist mixtures of red and brown, paralleling the British Spiked – as advanced in the stimulating, Comment sommes-nous devenus rĂ©acs. by FrĂ©dĂ©rique Matonti. 2021. An calling Zemmour part of the Establishment is itself ambiguous. If his background lies in the elite, he has attracted prominent support from those on the periphery, including Gilets Jaunes such as  Jacline Mouraud, the protest movement many of MarliĂšre’s friends on the French radical left welcomed at at one point.

A more thorny issue about what the London based academic asserts about Zemmour’s Jewish heritage, “In fact, Zemmour acts like a typical ‘French Israelite’; an expression that encapsulates Jewishness as a religion, not as a broader cultural identity.” One leaves it to others to discuss this in depth but while there is little doubt that the candidate uses his own take on assimilation to attack Muslims it is far from clear how “typical” this is of “French Israelites”.

The Open Democracy polemic misses a more important point. Zemmour is not located within any form of mainstream ‘establishment’ republicanism: his ‘questions’ about the innocence of Dreyfus, his defence of Vichy – the executioner of the 3rd Republic – rule that out. Bringing the issue of republican universalism when we try to get to grips with the leader of his own party, La ReconquĂȘte, (a pre-republic name if ever there was one) obscures the nature of his debt to the anti-Enlightenment anti-French Revolution tradition.

Zemmour draws on central themes of the classic French extreme right. They include an appeal to ideas about the importance of what can be called La Terre and Les Morts (the Soil and the Dead). The threat posed by the Grand Replacement, immigration, indicates a bond to an old tradition of the far-right. This is associated not just with the author of that phrase, Maurice BarrĂšs but to the founder of Action française, Charles Maurras and his loathing of a “la France mĂ©tissĂ©e“, racial mixing. Maurras was the most explicit opponent of the republic you could possibly imagine. Action française called the Republic and Marianne La Gueuse (the harlot). Their leader was a ‘Monarchist’ (the inverted commas indicate the lack of a serious possibility in the 20th century of restoring the French Monarchy) who ended up collaborating with the Nazi occupation.

Zemmour in his most recent book, La France n’ pas dit son dernier mot (2021), traces his idea of a heroic French nation back to the early mediaeval Merovingian kings. A few years before he stated that, “Ignoring the lessons of the past and forgetting the virtues of its history, France is wrecking its state in the name of human rights and the unity of its people in the name of universalism.” («Ignorant les leçons du passĂ© et oubliant les vertus de son histoire, la France saborde son Ă©tat au nom des droits de l’homme et l’unitĂ© de son peuple au nom de l’universalisme.» Charles Zemmour et Eric Maurras, a title chosen by LibĂ©ration no doubt to illustrate the two figures similarity). This is about as far from “republican universalism” as you could possibly get.

Zemmour is, many political commentators and analysts agree, not just a product of moral panic, and a shift to the right in French politics, important though that is. How can we explain his arrival ?

The Contretemps article by Ugo Palheta MarliĂšre uses as the basis of his Open Democracy piece goes so far as suggest that the French bourgeoisie in some senses “needs” his ilk to keep the political show going, helping to ward off any real challenge to the system. In this way Zemmour is the creation of these power engaged in “la fabrication du personnage mĂ©diatique. Why? For Palheta he represents for fractions of the bourgeoisie “une possible solution de rechange” (an convenient alternative). It seems that the bosses look for a variety of agents capable of defending the social order by any means necessary (“une variĂ©tĂ© d’agents capables de dĂ©fendre l’ordre social et de favoriser l’accumulation du capital, par tous les moyens nĂ©cessaires.”) They use people who appear independent, untainted with association with the discredited existing parties to keep capital accumulation working by any means necessary. Enter the first Presidential campaign of Macron. Enter Zemmour in this campaign also supported by a layer of top Bosses and welding neo-liberal economics, scapegoating Muslims, and a “ backlash idĂ©ologique anti-Ă©galitaire.”

All of which, Palheta claims, is needed to fight some large anti-racist demonstrations, and powerful “mobilisations fĂ©ministes.” The Lille University academic is a member of the Nouveau Parti anticapitaliste and the Fourth International.

The right wing shift in public opinion in France has many causes, but accounting for it in terms of the media, intellectuals, and their relationship to well-financed operations by the wealthy is not a fruitful avenue. Deep changes, such as de- industrialisation, and the fall of Official Communism, have weakened the core voting bloc of the left. Post-post-Fordism, the kind of society portrayed in novels like Leurs enfants aprĂšs eux (2018) by Nicolas Mathieu and autobiographical studies like Retour Ă  Reims (2011) by Didier Eribon grapple better with the terrain on which the far right has flourished than accounts of the doings of media empires or national politics.

The fact that Zemmour is, as MarliĂšre has pointed out before, adept at communication techniques ( which one might call “rompu Ă  l’exercice mĂ©diatique” masks the fact that people have to be willing to listen to this message in the first place. Zemmour scores highly on issues of immigration (38%) , and nearly the same percentage (37% on ‘insecurity’, not feeling safe, worries about crime and precarious living conditions (France Info. 9.12.21). Both suggest that structural mechanisms of solidarity are not working, not that everybody is frightened by what they see mispresented in the right-wing media.

The operations of the business sector equally cannot account for the way the less well-endowed far-right is able to autonomously create its own movements in favourable conditions. Or the way reactionary ideas can be generated without support from Grand Capital. Zemmour has attracted active support from the far-right who are said to have a big presence in GĂ©nĂ©ration Zemmour and no doubt in the new party La ReconquĂȘte. These include the micro-party La Ligue de Sud, to groupuscules, such as the present-day Action française, and even more extreme bodies such as La Famille gallicane, GĂ©nĂ©ration Z, Les Vilains Fachos (LVF the same acronym used for French volunteer fighters for Nazi Germany), (Dans l’orbite d’Eric Zemmour, une nĂ©buleuse de groupuscules violents d’ultradroite). All of these groups have their own structures and ideas that are hard to trace to the manipulations of capitalists manufacturing media personalities. This will have to be a fundamental part of any explanation of Zemmour’s appeal along with a more intricate description of his media and political network than the one offered in the tale about his “establishment” background.

More on the far-right (4,770 members) youth movement set up to back Zemmour:

Then there are these thugs, who are the present day form of a notorious far-right student squad, Groupe union défense (GUD):

Eric Zemmour in Villepinte: what the images show of the violence at his meeting

Le Monde. 11.12.21.

Analysis of photos and videos of the candidate’s meeting confirms that the Zouaves Paris, a violent group, played a central role throughout the day.

The article demonstrates in depth the key role of the Zouaves. The groupuscule is named after French light infantry units belonging to the African Army, ” associated with the image of the battles of the Second Empire.

To the best of one’s knowledge the ‘universalist republicans’ opposed the Second Empire of  Louis-NapolĂ©on Bonaparte, even if only a small radical cohort amongst them opposed French colonialisation in the early years of the 3rd Republic…

Oh, and Zemmour’s poll support has not stopped getting lower: he is now down to 12 % (from a high at 17%).

Written by Andrew Coates

December 11, 2021 at 3:31 pm

Argentinian Trotskyists Win 4 Seats in Legislative Elections.

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Argentina: FIT-U Statement on International Workers® Day – International  Socialist League

Trotskyists Win Seats in Argentinian Election.

Argentina’s centre-left President Alberto Fernandez called for dialogue with the opposition after Sunday’s midterm parliamentary elections, with projections showing his governing coalition has lost control of Congress.

Having already held a minority in the lower house Chamber of Deputies, Fernandez’s Frente de Todos (Everyone’s Front) coalition looked set to drop from 41 to 35 seats in the 72-member Senate, based on projections with more than 90 percent of votes counted.

“If the numbers are confirmed, effectively we’ve lost the quorum in the Senate,” a government source told AFP.

Ahead of the election there was widespread discontent over an economy hit hard by the Covid pandemic.

France 24.

Fernandez will now likely be forced to make concessions to the opposition during the last two years of his mandate in order to pass laws or make key appointments, including to the judiciary.

Argentinian election results:

Full Wikipedia entry: 2021 Argentine legislative election

May be an image of text that says "Cambiemos Kirchnerismo 42,21% 9.765.987 votos Otros 33,79% 7.817.860 7.817 votos Izquierda 8,48% 1.961.963 votos Liberales 6,17% 1.426.398 votos Peronismo 4,95% 1.145.178 votos 4,40% 1.017.963 votos"

El Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores – Unidad (FIT-U), the Workers’ Left Front – Unity is an alliance of initially three Trotskyist parties in Argentina formed to fight a number of elections in 2011, 

2019739.366 2.96 %0/1302/257MinorĂ­aMauricio MacriPrimera presentaciĂłn como FIT – Unidad
20214/1274/257MinorĂ­aAlberto FernĂĄndez

Previous good score:

20131.224.144 5.25 %3/1273/257MinorĂ­a

El PaĂ­s seems more impressed by the entry of the far-right La libertad avanza into the Congress which has won 5 seats..

La ultraderecha entra en el Congreso de Argentina

La ultraderecha ha entrado en el Congreso de Argentina. El partido La libertad avanza, encabezado por el economista Javier Milei, contarĂĄ con cinco bancas en la CĂĄmara de Diputados a partir del 10 de diciembre gracias a los votos obtenidos en la capital argentina y en la provincia de Buenos Aires. “Viva la libertad, carajo”, gritaban eufĂłricos los simpatizantes de la formaciĂłn ultraliberal en el mĂ­tico estadio Luna Park, convertido este domingo en su bĂșnker electoral’

The extreme right has entered the Congress of Argentina . The La Libertad Avanza party, headed by economist Javier Milei , will have five seats in the Chamber of Deputies as of December the 10th thanks to the votes obtained in the Argentine capital and in the province of Buenos Aires. “Long live freedom, for fuck’s sake!” the supporters of the ultraliberal formation shouted euphorically in the legendary Luna Park stadium, converted this Sunday into their electoral bunker.

Other sources indicate that La Libertad Avanza is more anti-tax, anarcho-capitalist and ultra-Thatcherite than a European style far-right national populist group.

International Statement of Support for the Workers Left Front – Unity (FIT–U) in Argentina.

We the signers of this statement — leaders, and members of working-class, anti-imperialist, and Left parties; from the peasantry, the youth, the women’s movement, the LGBTQ+ movement, and the environmental movement; from organizations that confront capitalist oppression — declare our support for the candidates of the Workers Left Front – Unity (FIT–U) in Argentina in the November 14, 2021, legislative elections.

The FIT–U, which was born 10 years ago as a coalition of the class-conscious, socialist Left, is made up of the Partido de los Trabajadores Socialistas (PTS, Party of Socialist Workers), Partido Obrero (PO, Workers’ Party), Izquierda Socialista (IS, Socialist Left), and the Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores (MST, Workers’ Socialist Movement). It is the only alternative to the capitalist parties and the politics of imperialism in Argentina.

The ruling Peronist coalition, led by Vice President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and President Alberto Fernández, suffered a heavy defeat in the September 12 primary elections. This has created a major crisis within the government on which the right-wing, led by Juntos por el Cambio (Together for Change), the party of former president Mauricio Macri, is trying to capitalize. The “libertarian” extreme Right is trying to take advantage of the discontent with the traditional capitalist parties to impose its proposed economic model of greater austerity and attacks on working people and the Left. In this context of disappointment and popular discontent, the Workers Left Front (FIT–U) emerged in the recent primary elections as the third national political force.

Rest of the long statement via above.


The growing list of endorsers can be found here. (it looks as if the entire cadre of RĂ©volution Permanente, who split from the Nouveau Parti anticapitaliste not long ago and who have announced a candidate, Anasse Kazib, in the French Presidential elections, “Anasse Kazib, delegado sindical ferroviario y candidato por RĂ©volution Permanente a las elecciones presidenciales de 2022”, not that he is likely to get on the ballot but who knows… have signed).

Alex Callinicos, profesor emĂ©rito de estudios europeos, King’s College London (Profesor EmĂ©rito de Estudios Europeos del King’s College, Londres)

Sebastian Budgen, Senior Editor Verso Books, Editorial Board member Historical Materialism

John Parrington, Profesor Adjunto en FarmacologĂ­a Celular y Molecular, y autor, Universidad de Oxford.

Ronney Mustafa, dirigente sindical.

Argentinian Trotskyism is heavily influenced by ‘post-Morenoist’ ideas, that is while rejecting the indulgence towards populism, or Peronism, of the historic leader, Moreno (1924 – 1987, he has left his mark, and is a good place to start to come to grips with their ideas. It is still a very specific type of Trotskyism axed around theories of Permanent Revolution and the Transitional Programme and the very different Latin American experience of guerrilla warfare.

For those with appetite for such things one could start with this (by a North American current that is part of Left Voice, which backs the El Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores:

Who was Nahuel Moreno? Gabriela Liszt. 

Moreno’s political conceptions had much in the way of objectivism, that is, it overestimated the possibilities of the workers’ movement breaking with Peronism and spontaneously turning left under the pressure of capitalist crisis. He came to speak of “imminent and generalized revolutions” without taking into account the factor of leadership (that is, the subjective factor). This factor was the key to the Russian Revolution of 1917 and what Trotsky referred to in the Transitional Program. It became even more necessary after the strengthening of both Stalinism after World War II and social democracy prevented the development of working class self-organization. He put in question the subject of the revolution and favored the emergence of guerrilla and bourgeois nationalist leaderships.

It is for this reason that the organizations that he led and helped to build were centrist organizations, while remaining within Trotskyism, even if they often had policies to the left of the other important Trotskyist currents in the postwar period (Mandel’s United Secretariat, the OCI of Lambert, the US SWP). As a whole they gave in to these non-revolutionary or counterrevolutionary leaderships and did not build real combat organizations with the strategy of the taking of power by the working class, organizations that were prepared to intervene in revolutionary upsurges so that they can triumph and continue their struggle until the world socialist revolution. But by remaining on the terrain of Trotskyism they put up some partially correct battles against bourgeois, nationalist, Stalinist and petty-bourgeois tendencies. For us, these partial battles constitute the “threads of continuity” with the revolutionary Marxist tradition of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Rosa Luxemburg and many other comrades.

After the death of Moreno, the leadership of the MAS developed more class collaborationist traits and formed Izquierda Unida (IU – United Left), an alliance with the Communist Party in 1989. Just as Stalinism around the world was falling to pieces, the MAS united with it by putting forward the presidential ticket of Vicente-Zamora (NĂ©stor Vicente (PC) and Luis Zamora (MAS)), the ticket that would lead to the election of Zamora as a deputy.

The PTS broke with the MAS in May 1988, after the May 1 rally that they held at the football stadium known as the Ferro, and before the formation of Izquierda Unida (IU – United Left) and the Fifth Congress of the MAS that declared that revolution in Argentina was just around the corner while preparing its comprehensive alliance with Stalinism. The MAS leadership affirmed its national-Trotskyism as it turned away from the grand processes sweeping the world. This, above all, was one of the causes of the explosion of the MAS in 1992, which led to the formation of the Movimiento Socialistas de los Trabajadores (MST – Socialist Workers Movement) and many other groups. We do not claim to be Morenistas, in the sense that groups like the MST or Izquierda Socialista (IS – Socialist Left) do, because we think that the essence of their theoretico-political heritage is wrong. However, we believe that without a critical assessment that reclaims the threads of continuity maintained by Moreno and other currents of the Trotskyist movement (with greater or lesser weaknesses), our existence would have been impossible.

Here is a report on the elecctions from this network:

Written by Andrew Coates

November 15, 2021 at 4:57 pm