Archive for the ‘Scottish Nationalism’ Category
The New European Politics of National Resentment
Europe is in the throes of a major economic and political crisis. The later, overused, word barely covers the depths of despair felt by those facing mass unemployment, wage cuts and the devastation and privatisation of public services. Protests against austerity have united radical lefts, trade unions and the peoples. They have yet to succeed.
In the absence of any substantial – ‘actually existing’ – alternative to the austerity consensus of Christian and Social Democracy, reactionary currents have gained ground. Nationalists, such as the UK Independence Party, UKIP, the weevils of British politics, have had a strong echo, encouraging popular anger against the European Union. Overtly xenophobic parties, the Front National in France (17,9% in the first round the 2012 French presidential elections) and a host of others in Western and Eastern Europe, have gained ground. The Greek Golden Dawn has gone backwards so far that it has revived the far right’s tradition of bullying private militias.
But it is another reaction that has caught attention today. The victory of the right-of- centre party of Artur Mas, Convergència i Unió (CiU) in the Catalonian regional elections opens the way to a referendum on national independence. In Belgium the New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, N-VA) of Bart Wever appears on the way to complete Flemish autonomy, if not the dissolution of the kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has decided to hold a popular vote about the country’s future that could lead to the ‘break up of Britain’. In Italy the Lega Nord, Northern League, stands for the rights of North Italy’s ‘Padania’ against the South. It has lost momentum in recent years following its collaboration with Berlusconi, but may well revive.
Are these different populist protests against Europe’s oligarchs? That is, part of broader demands for “localism”. Tory Ferdinand Mount is a critic of “centralisation and top-down control” He calls for, “giving power back to the people” on the “human scale”(The New Few 2012). Are these movements in any way aimed at the “distribution of power to the many, the taming of the oligarchs, and the opening of opportunities to the worst off.”? (Page 219) It can be quickly seen, that some on the left, notably the Catalan left, Esquerra Republicana which looks set to work with the victorious CiU, and the warring factions of Scottish socialism, do indeed consider the push for independence in their lands as opportunities for such moves.
Most of these movements are however not principally concerned with reviving an idealised municipal government past or the voluntary associations that made up David Cameron’s vision of the Big Society. The route they take, from hard-right to apparently ‘social democratic’ Scottish nationalists, is towards what Mount described elsewhere as the “”visible symbols of national community and unity” (Mind the Gap. 2005) But as Mount would recognise, all these movements are intensely concerned with control over money. From UKIP’s jibes about Brussels to the Catalan, Flemish and Northern Italian regionalists, they are preoccupied not just with bureaucratic waste, but the feckless use of public funds by their improvident – Southern – neighbours. Scottish nationalists, for reasons which are all too obvious, show less interest in this, but continue to rail against the UK-wide distribution of revenues taken from ‘their’ oil and gas,
If there is any common thread between these, often very different, parties and the tides of opinion that bolster their position, it is resentment. They are not movements of national liberation, comparable to Irish republicanism, the fight for Norwegian independence from Denmark, or the forces that created national states following the break up of the Hapsburg Empire, the “prison of the nations”. Perhaps the Flemish nationalists are unique in holding an annual trek around francophone Brussels, pissing on every lamppost to mark out Dutch speaking territory (okay, I made the urine bit up). But the impulse to define and protect ‘their’ people, our ain folk is widely shared. Read the rest of this entry »
Scots Left Say he’s a Diamond Geezer.
My Scottish grandparents were Chair and Branch Sec. of a Branch of the ILP in Springburn Glasgow.
Comrades will no need no reminder that this was, and is, a poor district and the heart of Labour Movement.
It is with some distress that we read that the so-called ‘socialist’ party the SSP, has backed the Murdoch supported SNP in its demand for ‘independence’.
Going to the length of appearing on public platforms with – I like my bath-water so much I drink it Salmond.
And not saying a dicky bird about the SNP’s plans to raise the price of a pint to (rough estimation) seven quid a pint.
The cost of a bottle of me gramps daily tot (0r six) of whisky must be pretty stiff as well..
The Zeitgeist Future: Yuk!
Occupy Glasgow’s inability deal with an incident of sexual assault, has created a serious controversy. From the City itself Mhairi from the Scottish Socialist Party, has described this on her Blog, and her report has yet to be properly answered. (Full post Here.)
The gravity of this incident is illustrated by this commentator’s observation, “This horrendous rape has just shown how so many people, supposedly on the side of the underprivileged, actually see women as objects and fucktoys, incapable of independent thought.”
We will not comment on this further.
But one concern has come up which relates to a wider problem about the ‘Occupy Movement’ – its tolerance towards a conspiracy cult with dodgy ideas that parallel a strain of thought on the extreme right.
The Scottish Socialist Party’s Youth group offers this account TZM (full story Here.)
Zeitgeist got started when a man called Peter Joseph (this apparently isn’t his real or full name, as he conceals his real identity) released a documentary called, amazingly enough, Zeitgeist (which is German for Spirit of the Times) in 2007. This film was stuck up on Google video, and quickly got loads of views. This was then followed by a sequel, Zeitgeist Addendum, the following year.
The first film is an amalgamation of conspiracy theories: first of all, about religion, making all kinds of claims about the origins of Christianity; then a large middle section about 9/11, asserting that there were no terror attacks and they were in fact carried out by the US government. The final section is probably the most important for us to examine as socialists, because it’s about money and finance. It argues that the world is dominated by a small elite who operate through control of international finance, the media and education. This elite deliberately enslaves the rest of the world by keeping us permanently in debt to the banks by the way they operate the money system.
The SSP then turns to the Second Film and the present ideology of this cult,
If you try and engage Zeitgeist activists about these issues, in all likelihood they will say something along the lines of “Well, we don’t promote the first film any more, we’ve moved on to new things.” Sometime between the making of the first and second films, Peter Joseph came into contact with Jacques Fresco, a designer and engineer who has a series of plans for improving society which he calls the Venus Project. Zeitgeist now describes itself as “the activist wing of the Venus Project.” Privately, some are trying to distance themselves from some of the material in the first film, but officially it is still promoted on the main page when you google Zeitgeist, and remains most people’s introduction to the movement.
The Venus Project advocates what it calls a “resource based economy”, arguing that there are enough resources in the world to provide everyone with a decent standard of living. The problem they argue is that capitalism deliberately makes resources scarce in order to make a profit. So far this is definitely something socialists could agree with. The project goes on to present a whole series of exciting looking sci-fi style drawings of what the high-tech future they propose will look like, which are strangely retro and remind you of concept art for 60s sci fi shows.
Anybody looking for two minutes at the Zeitgeist US site (yes, funnily enough it’s from there!) and reading more about this “global sustainability movement” can see that it’s a cult – here.
I never liked that cretin Buckminister Fuller anyway.
In moments of A.C. Grayling-like kindness I consider George Galloway to be like a wire-worm trying to wriggle its way out of a pile of manure.
Take this in response to a lashing he received this week on the Daily Politics Show - here.
Despite his political views and occasional lapses in taste I like Andrew Neil, my fellow countryman, indeed fellow broadcaster. I’ve known him a long time, at least 25 years. That’s the answer to those of you encouraging me to make an official complaint about his behaviour towards me on the Daily Politics show on June 21 2011 – about which more later – I won’t, though I could and probably should.
Amongst the gems Galloway says,
Syria. The bloody events there have had too little analysis (as opposed to hack reporting from neighbouring countries and spoon-fed propaganda from opposition groups and hostile intelligence agencies) and I was looking forward to the opportunity to provide some, from the perspective of a friend of Syria and early believer that President Bashar would be a “breath of fresh air”.
Or this, charged with supporting the Iranian regime,
By expressing my “support” for the “outcome” of the election I became, overnight, the target of death threats, harrassment (even in parliament) and had to have assistance from the police to protect me from elements of the Iranian opposition.
People were rude to Galloway in Parliament.
Gallloway’s main charge against Andrew Neil is that he was nasty to a “fellow countryman“.
This reminds me of this.
Asked of the difference between the Scots and the Irish Doctor Johnson observed that,
“The Irish are not in a conspiracy to cheat the world by false representations of the merits of their countrymen. No, Sir; the Irish are a fair people; — they never speak well of one another.
Andrew Neil broke the code of the Galloway Scots.
But the parcel of a rouge in the nation does not care.
Neil “enjoyed” the spat – here.
Crow and Friends: Move the Masses!
The June elections loom. County and European – not exactly key institutions for the popular masses. Held in an atmosphere of absolute political pissdoffnessness they will be the occasion for a lot of cock-snooting. Probably the BNP’s first Euro Parliament seats. A wipe-out for Labour. One hopes the mildly reform-minded Green Party will hold onto their positions. So far not even a blip for No2E (and I’m acquainted with some pretty unblippy blips). Still, they are standing everywhere, including in the vast Eastern Region. That includes here, East Anglia. Seething with resentment at MPs expenses – like anywhere else. Who knows if a couple of voters might cast their ballot papers in Bob Crow’s direction in protest.
David Semple expresses scepticism about this domed venture. Rightly he targets No2EU’s sovereigntist programme (British Democracy first), the process by which the RMT came to launch it, the Socialist Party’s participation, and its laughable presence on the ground. Yet he sees a potential lurking somewhere. That is in possible further union disaffiliations from the Labour Party. The basis for a future launch of a left political alternative. Or maybe not. To Dave Craig in the latest Weekly Worker the initiative is a “temporary workers’ party”. That is despite, as he acknowledges, its flawed platform. How anyone can see a space for Dave’s project of a European Republic (a social republic that the left can build for socialism) is hard to grasp. No2EU is pretty clear on its opposite: the existing nation-state (the UK) as the prime site for socialism. Well, at least this is a better position than the nationalist left. One (how long for this world) faction, Sheridan’s Solidarity, is behind the campaign. The other, Scottish Socialist Party claims to be pro-European. It criticises Union Jack waving opponents of the EU. But wishes for the day when the Scots will be waving the Saltire. Or rather, believes that “Scotland out of Britain” is a progressive demand (here) Tacitly aligned with the business leaders of, say, the SNP, that is. As for No2EU’s appeal to the electorate the same Weekly Worker has a letter by Chris Straffrod. He reports 8 people at the No2EU Manchester launch. Half of them were left-wing critics. Some mass interest.
No2EU’s previous promotion of a public meeting involving a German far-right M.P. first exposed here, led to a public climb down in the Morning Star. Are supporters up to these tricks again? Communist Student (Weekly Worker) Chris Strafford alleges a No2EU supporter is promoting the List on British extreme-right and xenophobic Facebook sites (here).
So much for an alternative to Brown, the Tories and the rest. Here we have more pressing concerns. In Ipswich the BNP are standing for the first time in the County elections. In two wards, Bridge and Chantry (here). Both working class. The first, Bridge, covers Stoke, a classic largely white poor and workers’ and area. Its Labour Branch is practically dead. The candidate, Bryony Rudkin, politely described by a world-celebrated left activist sometime back as ‘Blairite yuppie scum’ replaces Harold Manga a well-respected black Councillor. Harold was removed by New Labour equal opportunities. The principle that well-off former Islington Council leader PAs and County Council leaders should remove working class types from Guyana. It did not need the cunning of a skulk of foxes to see a weak point there. Nor that Chantry, a vast estate, has in many areas the same make-up. Though with some Labour life left. Maybe enough to fight back the BNP’s ambitions to stir up in-fighting amongst the less well-off and panic the worried middle class. So that Griffin’s cronies can prance around with their Union Flags in elected positions.
This is a threat we will be concentrating on.
Note: Nick Griffin was educated at a minor public school in near-by Woodbridge. The first time he stood for election (some decades ago) was in Ipswich, for the Council. Didn’t win.